What Obama's Cabinet Says About Centralization: Part I

by: Daniel De Groot

Wed Dec 31, 2008 at 10:00


Josh recently noted something actually quite interesting:


I continue to be surprised how many relatively young senators [...] are willing to give up their seats to serve in Obama's cabinet.

And Chris:


Janet Napolitano, Homeland Security: Matt seems excited about Napolitano, but I'm not. For one thing, and this may seem petty but it really isn't, a Republican will become Governor of Arizona

It turns out this is significant, and not really anything to do with Obama particularly.  It is yet another sign of the Presidentialist, dominant federal government.  The Executive now dominates the Legislative, and the Federal government now by far dominates the States.

Daniel De Groot :: What Obama's Cabinet Says About Centralization: Part I
Obama's cabinet includes 2 each of sitting Governors and Senators (Clinton, Salazar, Richardson, Napolitano).  You might include Biden too, making the score 3 and 2.  The significance is that all of these have given up powerful, independent roles in the Presidential feeder leagues  for subservient roles within the Presidency.  If you look at the Republican side, McCain had no shortage of eager Senators and Governors willing to be his VP either.  For Bush's first Cabinet, he didn't pick any sitting Senators, but he did pick 2 sitting governors, and at least 2 others were under serious consideration.  Similarly for Obama, it is pretty clear he could have had even more Senators (Kerry, Murray, Dodd) and Governors (Granholm, Blagojevich) if he had wanted them.  

For some context, let's examine what happened for the first cabinets of a couple other Presidents, in situations somewhat analogous to Obama's.  Obama is coming to power with a large electoral victory, and substantial gains in Congress after a long period of relative powerlessness for his party and particularly for his ideology (wherein I group him broadly as a liberal).  

FDR:  Democrats Return From A Long Wander In the Desert

1932 was a large sea-change in voting behaviour, and this was apparent at the moment.  Democrats had not been in the White House since Wilson, and had not controlled Congress since 1919.  Even Wilson's victory in 1912 came in a three way race, and he failed to get a majority of the popular vote in his re-election.  It was clear that this was a historic opportunity for the Democratic party.  You might expect then, with the high degree of interest in FDR's cabinet, that sitting Democratic office holders like Governors and Senators would be eager for a chance to serve in the Roosevelt cabinet.  Not so much:


Cabinetmaking is easier in October than in February. During that interval the President-elect learned that he could not crook his finger and get the ready services of his party's first & foremost. Much mentioned before election but not to be found on last week's slate were the national names of Bernard Mannes Baruch, Owen D. Young, Newton Diehl Baker, Albert Cabell Ritchie, Alfred Emanuel Smith, Carter Glass. Even his two ranking Cabinet officers Mr. Roosevelt had to "draft" (his own word) into Federal service.

There's quite a list of refusals.  Senator Carter Glass, whom we might know by his later handiwork on Glass-Steagall, turned down being Secretary of the Treasury.  Senator Bronson Cutting, turned down Secretary of the Interior and Maryland Governor Albert Richie had turned down an offer to be FDR's running mate.  

FDR's first cabinet had no sitting Governors, and only 3 Senators.  Senator Cordell Hull as Secretary of State had been elected to the Senate in only 1930, and was quite junior.  Montana Senator Thomas Walsh was 73 when he accepted the post of Attorney-General, and in fact never served as he died on the train to Washington.  Even so, Time quipped thus about his level of enthusiasm:


Attorney General. Thomas James Walsh, 73, Senator from Montana, was more excited last week about taking a wife in Havana than about his seat in the Cabinet.

The final Senator to agree to sit in FDR's first cabinet was Claude Swanson.  Time (ibid) notes:


Secretary of the Navy. Claude Augustus Swanson, 70, got into the Cabinet only when his Senate colleague from Virginia turned down the Treasury. Behind his appointment lay the following political situation: Senator Swanson is up for reelection next year; Harry Flood Byrd was getting ready to beat him for renomination; by sidestepping into the Cabinet. Senator Swanson makes way for Harry Byrd to enter the Senate immediately by appointment, neatly saves his own old face.

Of three Senators agreeing to serve, one is quite junior (and got Secretary of State, which used to be even more powerful), another quite elderly, and the third facing certain defeat.  On the other hand, Senators turned down powerful posts at Treasury and Interior, and a Governor turned down the Vice-Presidency.  It is a stark contrast to all the Governors and Senators who were interested in being Obama's running mate, and their apparent willingness to serve in his cabinet.  Evidently in 1932, being a Governor or Senator in the Majority was a more appealing prospect than serving in the Cabinet of a landslide winning Democratic President.  

Reagan:  Republican Revolutionaries' Grand Triumph

Jumping ahead to 1980.  Although the Republicans had not been out of power for very long at the Presidential level, Reagan's win was a big deal for them, particularly the movement conservatives.  Nixon had won big in 1972, but being chased from office two years later really spoiled the savour of that victory, and had never managed to win either chamber of Congress.  Reagan at least had taken the Senate, giving the Republicans their strongest governing opportunity since 1954, when Eisenhower lost control of Congress (and no need to rehash what conservatives thought of Eisenhower either).

Yet, looking at Reagan's first cabinet he doesn't have even one sitting Governor or Senator.  I can't find any evidence of any of them turning him down, but it seems Reagan's cabinet decisions were conducted in a secretive manner.  The closest we get is retiring Senator Richard Schweiker taking the post of Secretary of Health and Human Services.

I wondered if this was because the kinds of movement Conservatives Reagan would have wanted in government were not Senators and Governors, who would be more of the Rockefeller Republican mold in 1980, but Time notes:


The Republican New Right is not happy with Reagan's Cabinet carpentry. Except for Stockman, the ultraconservatives have been completely shut out so far. Collectively, Reagan's choices announce louder than anything he has said that he intends to run a pragmatic Administration, one not bound by ideology, and the right wing is vocally dismayed. Said Richard Viguerie, a leading hardliner, accurately enough: "It's the kind of Cabinet Jerry Ford or George Bush would have assembled. I'm sick to my stomach. Reagan gave all the winks and signals that he was going to be a true conservative, and he turns his back on us."

Reagan was largely considered a lightweight, and the kind of person whose Cabinet could have used the seasoning of a few sitting Republican officials, so it is surprising that he chose none.  Did some turn him down, or did he just not even ask them since he figured they would rather remain where they were?

Just to be sure, I checked on Jimmy Carter, and his cabinet too, had almost no sitting officials from the two top shelves, just one sitting Governor (from a small state), and no Senators were in Carter's initial Cabinet (there were a couple House members, but being 1 of 435, it's not surprising a Cabinet post is more appealing).  In fact the mayors of LA and Detroit turned down posts in the Carter Administration.

Clearly things have changed, and the Presidency is now the best game in town, or out of it.  In part II, we will examine some of why this has happened.


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Well ... (4.00 / 1)
... I do have to wonder how much eagerness there was to take on responsibility for fixing the mess of the Coolidge-Hoover years, though I suppose the same could be said of Cabinet positions today.

Biden's already achieved anything he can do in the Senate; Clinton, on the other hand, is at the height of fame but has minimal power within the Senate, still at least a decade away from chairing anything.  This move makes sense for both of them.  And Salazar has even longer to wait than Clinton.


yes (4.00 / 1)
I do agree that the relatively junior positions within the Senate of Clinton and Salazar is worth noting.  However, as noted there were other Senators, some fairly senior (like Kerry) who were interested in Cabinet posts.  

[ Parent ]
Again, for Kerry, like Biden (4.00 / 1)
He's already chaired a committee.  He's never going to be President. He's still the junior Senator from his state after 20+ years in the cooling saucer (and he's not that good a legislator, anyway).  He just turned 65.  Why not spend 4-8 years at State and then retire?

[ Parent ]
However... (4.00 / 1)
...let's not forget that Xavier Becerra turned down a position. I guess it's more complex than you think. I suggest you factor this in...

[ Parent ]
Did proximity have something to do with 1932? (4.00 / 1)
As I look at all the snow coming down and dread my drive home, I wonder if the decision to leave a state job for Washington DC was a much more difficult one when travel and communication were not as easy.  Since we are dealing with such a tiny sample here, 1932 could just as easily be a matter of distance and comfort rather than anything to do with centralization.  This is probably relatively easy to track just by looking into all administrations this century, not just the supposedly transformational ones. Its make me curious to know how changes in travel and communication have changed the personnel of our national government.  

interesting thought (4.00 / 2)
I doubt geography was high on the mind of the Governor of Maryland when he turned down FDR.  Also, I'd note this was the dawn of the age of flight as viable transportation (at least for elites, which I would say would apply to Cabinet members).  


[ Parent ]
People still travelled mostly by rail (4.00 / 1)
I think the idea of "commuting to DC" wasn't something you did back then.  You moved.  Often, you took long vacations in the summer, since before air conditioning, who the hell wanted to live in a swamp during the summer?  Even a former swamp.

I'm wondering if it had more to do with expectations, first and foremost of the job, and secondly of Roosevelt himself.  He did not go into office with the kind of expectations Obama takes office with.  He wasn't thought to be a brilliant guy, and he certainly wasn't thought to be a radical one.  And the federal government was not the center of action that it became under FDR.  So the actual experience of having a cabinet level job was not the same as it is now.

I think also that we might be looking in the wrong places.  The people who really made the New Deal were not probably the secretaries, but the people just under that level -- young, many brilliant, many from ethnicities like Italians and Jews that had not had much of a place in government before that.

Washington was a fairly sleepy place in the 1920s.  The New Deal was something not seen in US history up to then, and we're probably not taking into account that it may have also been something unexpected as well.


[ Parent ]
sure (0.00 / 0)
And I demonstrate your latter hypothesis about the smaller federal government in quantitative terms in Part II of this.  It definitely wasn't as big a deal to work for the Federal government in 1932, and FDR gets a lot of blame or credit for changing that.


[ Parent ]
Kudos, Mr. De Groot (4.00 / 3)
You've come up with a very interesting angle on our national distemper. I think it's a valuable addition to a desperately needed debate on what we should do to cure it.

People on the left and on the right have long argued about the positive and negative aspects of a large central government. The left generally argues that it's necessary to offset the evils of plutocracy, and the greater vulnerability of regional governments to subversion by moneyed interests -- see right to work laws -- or cultural abominations -- see Jim Crow. It worries, on the other hand, about a central government subverted by an unholy alliance of defense industry lobbyists, cold warriors, and out-and-out imperialists, and the impact of mass-media demagoguery on the processes of democracy.

The right, on the other hand, likes our present big government just fine, in fact it swells with pride when we're talking ICBMs, nuclear-powered aircraft carriers, or putting paid to small countries which resist our free traders, but it hates things like single-payer health care, subsidized college education, or the Fair Labor Standards Act. It hates even more the kind of environmental oversight which constrains owners in their exploitation of land to which they hold the title.

Underneath the ideological arguments however, the simple truth remains that the checks and balances put into place by the constitution depended on a polity that was -- in fact as well as theory -- divided into regional and national interests, and which consequently had a much tighter grip on local issues, and on its Congressional representatives, than it does today.

As a leftist, I don't mind so much seeing the talent sucked out of local government and sent off to Washington, especially given the fact that Washington in recent decades seems to have gone into business for itself, and needs that talent to mount an effective battle against the interests already entrenched there, but as a democrat (small d), I wonder if in the end, the result won't be an invigorated national debate, but simply a different kind of estranged and wrong-headed national machinery of oppression.

Maybe what we ultimately need is Constitutional reform; in any case, the conversion of a democracy into a demoralized and incessantly demagogued nation of consumers has been painful to watch, and as disastrous for the country as many of us have feared all along. It seems like a no-brainer to say that we finally have a real opportunity to right the ship, but I agree that having everyone move to Washington may not be the way to go about it. Needless to say, I look forward to your Part II.


Parties were very different in 1932 (4.00 / 2)
The Dems and the GOP were organized as coalitions of lots of local and regional organizations under the rubric of a Party. Leaving Oregon or Ohio or New York meant saying goodbye, to a large extent, to the organization you were part of.  These days, the Parties are much more centralized and run much more from DC.  It's not just government that's gotten more centralized since then.

Another consideration is whether a new President can just bring along his crew of advisors and flunkies.  Both Carter (Ham Jordan) and Reagan (Meese, Deever) did that to some extent, but I suspect that Reagan had an easier time of it since California became the largest state in the US during his governorship and, frankly, it's easier to jump from Sacramento to DC than to jump there from Atlanta.

Obama is becoming President (a) at a time of tremendous centralization of government power in DC; (b) at a time when the Parties are much more internally integrated and centrally organized; and (c) without an executive crew of his own.  As a result of (c), he's adopted chunks of Daschle's and Bill Clinton's teams, and cast a geographically wide net to fill in the holes.


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