"I and the public know
What all schoolchildren learn
Those to whom evil is done
Do evil in return."
W.H. Auden, "September 1, 1939"
Versailles is full of almost nothing but fools. And those who are not fools are forced to spend almost all their time responding to fools. So what would it be like if, instead of wall-to-wall fools chattering endlessly about the Mideast on one channel after another, we instead had an intelligence discourse to guide us? Well, we don't have the TV network infrastructure--at least not here in the US. But we do have the content available, and potential content-providers out the wazoo. To pick up on one channel, in particular, one need only look to the London Review of Books, which has a page, "LRB contributors react to events in Gaza", first put up on January 15, which it has continued to update.
This is page where one can read the views of historians and historically-informed commentators who know that history is always at least a double fabrication--fabricated first by those who act in its midst, and fabricated again by those who pick and chose how the initial fabrication is made sense of, which pieces are kept and which discarded, which kept together, which separated, which disappeared, and which created out of nothing.
Here, to entice you, are a few excerpts of a few contributions, to give you a flavor of what it might be to watch an intelligent discussion on tv for a change. The excerpts are not intended to represent the full views of those quoted, only to reflect some of the kinds of ideas, insights and perspectives they put into play.
First, a reminder that even professional US military strategists recognize that Israel itself is a major obstacle to peace--with a whole lot of other reminders tossed in along the way. Not the least of which is the reminder that Hamas is not the extremist boogey-man it's made out to be in the US media. They're not Boy Scouts, either to be sure (though, neither are the Boy Scouts, for that matter). But they are evolving, and we ignore that to our enormous detriment.
Tariq Ali
A few weeks before the assault on Gaza, the Strategic Studies Institute of the US Army published a levelheaded document on 'Hamas and Israel', which argued that 'Israel's stance towards the democratically-elected Palestinian government headed by Hamas in 2006, and towards Palestinian national coherence - legal, territorial, political and economic - has been a major obstacle to substantive peacemaking.' Whatever their reservations about the organisation, the authors of the paper detected signs that Hamas was considering a shift of position even before the blockade:
.... Recognition of Israel by Hamas, in the way that it is described in the Western media, cannot serve as a formula for peace. Hamas moderates have, however, signaled that it implicitly recognises Israel, and that even a tahdiya (calming, minor truce) or a hudna, a longer-term truce, obviously implies recognition. Khalid Mish'al states: 'We are realists,' and there is 'an entity called Israel,' but 'realism does not mean that you have to recognise the legitimacy of the occupation.'
Tariq Ali's latest book is The Duel: Pakistan on the Flight Path of American Power.
The imagery of rockets can make us stupid... facts are not suppressed, but fictions abound... dividing history from pre-history keeps the narratives nice and neat... reconciliation without truth / a preference for bringing-together over bringing-to-light, are these essential traits of Obama's political character?
David Bromwich
Like the suicide bombings of the Second Intifada, the rockets from Gaza were a choice of tactics of a spectacular vengefulness. The spectacle was greater than the damage: no Israeli had been killed by a rocket before the IDF launched their assault. Yet the idea of rockets falling induces terror, whereas the idea of an army invading a neighbouring territory has an official sound. The numbers of the dead - as of 15 January, more than 1000 Palestinians and fewer than 20 Israelis - tell a different story. Many people remain unmoved by the tremendous disproportion because they cannot get the image of rockets out of their heads.
In the United States, since this one-sided war began on 27 December, facts are not suppressed but fiction pervades the commentary. We are offered an analogy: what would Americans do if rockets were fired from Canada or Cuba? The question has been repeated with docility by congressional leaders of both parties; but the rockets are assumed to come suddenly without cause. The choking of the Gaza Strip by land, sea and air, the rejection by the US of the Palestinian Unity Government, the coup launched by Fatah and bankrolled by the US, which ended in the seizure of power by Hamas - all of this happened before the rockets fell from the sky. It is as if it belonged to a prehistoric time....
In a televised interview on 11 January, he [Obama] said he would deal with Israel and Palestine in the manner of the Clinton and Bush administrations. The unhappy message of his recent utterances has been reconciliation without truth; and reconciliation, above all, for Americans. This preference for bringing-together over bringing-to-light is a trait of Obama's political character we are only now coming to see the extent of. It is an element - until lately an unperceived element - of a certain native moderation of temper that is likely to mark his presidency. Yet his silence on Gaza has been startling, even immoderate. The ascent of Barack Obama was connected in the world as well as in the US with peculiar and passionate hopes, and his chances of emerging as a leader of the world are diminished with every passing day of silence.
David Bromwich teaches English at Yale.
One man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter, wasn't that Ronald Reagan's line? What's that mean in the Middle East today? And what dark, unimaginable future does that lead to?
Alastair Crooke
'We have to ask the West a question: when the Israelis bombed the house of Sheikh Nizar Rayan, a Hamas leader, killing him, his wives, his nine children, and killing 19 others who happened to live in adjoining houses - because they saw him as a target - was this terrorism? If the West's answer is that this was not terrorism, it was self-defence - then we must think to adopt this definition too.'
This was said to me by a leading Islamist in Beirut a few days ago. He was making a point, but behind his rhetorical question plainly lies the deeper issue of what the Gaza violence will signify for mainstream Islamists in the future....
Islamists are likely to conclude from Gaza that Arab regimes backed by the US and some European states will go to any lengths in their struggle against Islamism. Many Sunni Muslims will turn to the salafi-jihadists, al-Qaida included, who warned Hamas and others about the kind of punishment being visited on them now. Mainstream movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas and Hizbullah will find it hard to resist the radical trend. The middle ground is eroding fast.
At one level Gaza will be seen as a repeat of Algeria. At another, it will speak to wider struggles in the Arab world, where elites favoured by the West soldier on with no real legitimacy, while the weight of support for change builds up. The overhang may persist for a while yet, but a small event could trip the avalanche.
Alastair Crooke is co-director of Conflicts Forum and has been an EU mediator with Hamas and other Islamist movements. Resistance: The Essence of the Islamist Revolution will come out next month.
It's bad for the Jews to be so deeply self-intoxicated, so deeply unconscious of what we have become...
Eric Hobsbawm
For three weeks barbarism has been on show before a universal public, which has watched, judged and with few exceptions rejected Israel's use of armed terror against the one and a half million inhabitants blockaded since 2006 in the Gaza Strip. Never have the official justifications for invasion been more patently refuted by the combination of camera and arithmetic; or the newspeak of 'military targets' by the images of bloodstained children and burning schools. Thirteen dead on one side, 1360 on the other: it isn't hard to work out which side is the victim. There is not much more to be said about Israel's appalling operation in Gaza.
Except for those of us who are Jews. In a long and insecure history as a people in diaspora, our natural reaction to public events has inevitably included the question: 'Is it good or bad for the Jews?' In this instance the answer is unequivocally: 'Bad for the Jews'.
It is patently bad for the five and a half million Jews who live in Israel and the occupied territories of 1967, whose security is jeopardised by the military actions that Israeli governments take in Gaza and in Lebanon; actions which demonstrate their inability to achieve their declared aims and which perpetuate and intensify Israel's isolation in a hostile Middle East....
Israel in action in Gaza is not the victim people of history, nor even the 'brave little Israel' of 1948-67 mythology, a David defeating all its surrounding Goliaths. Israel is losing goodwill as rapidly as the US did under George W. Bush, and for similar reasons: nationalist blindness and the megalomania of military power. What is good for Israel and what is good for the Jews as a people are evidently linked, but, until there is a just answer to the Palestinian question, they are not and cannot be identical. And it is essential for Jews to say so.
Eric Hobsbawm's most recent book is Globalisation, Democracy and Terrorism.
These are just a few edited selections from the LRB's page, "LRB contributors react to events in Gaza". But they suffice to show what it would be like if we were forced to wrestle with reality in the Middle East, instead of shadow-boxing with our fantasies. No doubt the most juvenile of those fantasies have been driven off of center stage, at least for the moment. But how much farther will the change Obama promises go? We will really start to entertain serious reflections on ourselves, our allies, our motives and our self-deceptions?
Are we really ready for a time for truth? Or is David Bromwich right to suggest that Obama stands for "reconciliation without truth; and reconciliation, above all, for Americans" and for "bringing-together over bringing-to-light"?
And, most of ll, what can we do to have a say in altering the answers to these questions?