Politically Accurate, Historically Wrong: Republican Revisions to our National History

by: David Kowalski

Tue Feb 17, 2009 at 14:25


One of the main pillars of Republican thought is that LBJ's spending on social programs and his relatively modest federal deficits caused the hyperinflation and economic stagnation of the 1970s and early 1980s.  The problem with this theory which largely goes unopposed is that the much larger deficits of Ronald Reagan in the 1980s and Georhe W. Bush stubbornly failed to cause inflation.  LBJ managed to produce a b udget surplus in his last year in office, as well.  I f federal deficits cause inflation, this record makes no sense.

In fact, I patiently waited for Regan's deficits to run into hyper inflation and lo and behold, we never had it.  The same thing held with George W. Bush.  Were larger Republican deficits kept in check by complicit bankers and Wall Street types or was there something else at work here.  Well, it turns out that price inflation remarkably correlates with rise in oil prices rather than with federal deficits.  Following the Arab-Israeli War OPEC applied an oil embargo to countries considered friendly to Israel.  prices zoomed from $3 a barrel in 1971 to over $12 a barrel and the prices at the gas station went above $1 per gallon.  A scond shock followed with the Iranian Revolution (1979-80) and the Iraq-Iran War which mostly cut off Iranian exports until Iran started winning in late 1981 or 1982.  By 1981, oil prices rose to $35 a barrel.

Reagan exacerabated hyperinflation and stagnation by secretly supporting Iraq as retaliation of the hostage crisis.  It was Dick Cheney who first armed Saddam Hussein while working for reagan.  But Reagan got the politically credit by deliberately engineering a steep recession (10 straight months with unemployment over 10%) which broke the back of both our own economy and oil demand.  Future deficits, which were huge, were paired with falling oil prices (and therefore) falling or stable cost of living stats. This economic malpractice tranferred the blame from the Nixon-Ford era to LBJ and "social programs."  Social programs were tarred and feathered semi permanently while the Reagan and George W. Bush tax cuts were deified.  Only the tax cuts really didn't produce much growth and the social spending does not appear to be the real cause of infalation.  Nonetheless, this is politically effective and has seeped into conventional wisdom.

David Kowalski :: Politically Accurate, Historically Wrong: Republican Revisions to our National History
A similar form of magic thinking was pictured in the Oval Office in the movie "W." where Colin Powell credits the 40 year long policy of containment for ending the Cold War while Bush favored bluster from Saint Ronnie ("Take down that wall", "the Evil Empire" speech).  In fact, the far less bellicose George H.W. Bush presided when the Wall came down and the Soviet Empire fell apart.

Lind and Friedman point to the Great Depression and the political upheaval threatened by Huey Long as a parallel to the Great Depression in US history.  Although data from the 1830s and 1840s is certainly limited, Friedman's pronouncement that only the Panic of 1837 rivalled the Great Depression in both length and depth is obviously flawed at both ends of the statement.

Nothing, and I repeat nothing, in this country's history rivalled the Great Depression in either length or depth.  Unemployment during the Great Depression topped 10% for 10 consecutive years from 1931 through 1940 peaking at 24.9%.  Its nearest parall, the Panic of 1893 produced 6 straight years of double digit unemployment peaking at 18.4%.  Although Friedman claims that the Panic of 1837 was similar to the Depression it lasted six years including aone year remission in 1838-39 when the economy was OK.  That's five years total.  Not as long as either the Panic of 1893 or the Great Depression.  There is no measure of the unemployment rate listed in the Census Bureau's Hisorical Data version of its Statistical Abstract ("Colonial Times to 1970").  With most Americans at the time working as farmers rather than as non-agricultural workers, the unemployment rate would effect a smaller part of the population and I doubt things were as severe.  So Friedman's conclusion does not seem supported by the facts.

What were the political ramifications of these huge economic meltdowns.  During the Great Depression, power swung from the Hoover Republicans to the Democrats.  The Senate was not popularly elected until 1914 so only House comparisons are valid. In 1930-32, Democrats picked up 147 House seats or 34% of the membership.  This is slightly less than the turnover in 1894 alone when Democrats lost 125 seats in a 357 member House (35%).  In 1838 (-3) and 1840 (-27) turnover in the US House was nowhere near as strong as in the later downturns.

In all three instances, new political parties formed.  Jackson era Democrats functioned as nearly a one party system with Jacksonians opposed by anti-Jacksonians.  The Panic of 1837 may have been an important factor in developing a formal opposition party, the Whigs.  The Whigs lasted less than 20 years and elected two war heroes who (with their successors) lasted one term, William Henry Harrison and Zachary Taylor.  Slavery demanded more answers than the Whigs could provide.  Democrats main foe in 1856 was no longer a Whig and by 1860 lincoln and the Republicans assumed power.

In the 1890s Cleveland and the conservative Democrats were tossed out of office.  The Populist Party emerged and pretty soon a radically dissident 36 year old took over the Democratic Party and allied with the Populists.  William Jennings Bryant was not the answer.  Populism splintered in the south on the lines of racism with Jim Crow and segregation winning out over clas based or populist appeals.  Blacks were officially disenfranchised.  (see The Strange Career of Jim Crow and The Mind of the South for plenty of details)  In the West and Farm states the appeal of populism waned as the economy staggered back to health following 1898.  The change implicit in the widespread disconnect of the Panic never came off at the ballot box.  It was the bullet that installed Theodore Roosevelt and TR's later break with Taft and the Republicans that installed Wilson.

Only the FDR years saw one Party emerge in charge of the whole recovery period as third party attempts from the left and right foundered based on Roosevelt's economic progress and political skills.  The lesson is not too clear.

Sustained economic hard times will bring a challenge to the political system and to the party in power in the United States.  It is easy to gain in the short term but much harder to gain in the long term.  By introducing long term systemic changes that benefitted many, FDR introduced long term systemic change in the political system.  Is there an equivalent to social security, the Wagner Act, Glass-Steagall, the WPA, the NRA, disbility insurance, the FDIC and so many more within the Obama Administration?  If so, Obama and the Democrats will probably be safe.  if not, it may follow the two earlier upheavals shifting from Party to Party in search for an answer.  Democrats lost seats in 1838 and more and the White House in 1840 but roared back in 1842 and 1844.  Not a permanent change.  

The answer see3ms to lie not with the Republicans and the waves of politics but with the Democrats and Obama.  Lind is striking around some trends and answers; he just fails to hit the mark.


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