Health Care & The Socio-Political-Cultural-Physical Environment--What's Missing w/ Obama's Approach

by: Paul Rosenberg

Sun Mar 15, 2009 at 17:43


Last December, Community Health Councils released The South Los Angeles Health Equity Scorecard.  South LA is predominantly black, Latino and low-income. On its website, it explained:

The South Los Angeles Health Equity Scorecard, documents the inequities in South LA's healthcare and physical resource environments and provides policy recommendations for a healthy community.

Community Health Councils partnered with other advocates, researchers, healthcare providers, and community leaders through the Coalition for Health & Justice to develop the South LA Health Equity Scorecard.

The Scorecard assesses and compares indicators of health disparities in South LA with West LA and LA County overall. Data has been gathered and scored for environment, health prevention and utilization, insurance and health system capacity. Policy recommendations were developed through a stakeholder summit held in June 2008. The final report challenges city and county officials and the community to advocate for change through a comprehensive joint power agreement that addresses these issues in a holistic way.

As you might expect, the scorecard documented systemic disparities across all the indicators it used. On its website, United Way of Los Angeles highlighted some selected findings, including:

  • In South L.A., 30% of adults under age 64 lack health insurance compared to 22% for L.A. County as a whole, and 12% for West L.A. (referenced on pg. 4).
  • South L.A. has 11 pediatricians per 100,000 children (compared to 57 pediatricians per 100,000 children for L.A. County as a whole) (referenced on pg. 4).
  • More than a third (36%) of occupied housing units in South L.A. is overcrowded compared to 22% for L.A. County as a whole and 7.9% for West L.A. (referenced on pg. 82).
  • South L.A. has about 6 times more liquor stores per square mile than L.A. County as a whole (referenced on pg. 53).
  • South L.A. has nearly one third (30%) of the 594 substandard schools in L.A. County (as defined by the Williams Lawsuit identifying lack of qualified teachers, instructional materials and decent facilities) (referenced on pg. 69).

What this report serves to highlight is (1) the complex range of environmental factors (in the broadest sense of the term) that impact upon health care, (2) how much people's health depends on issues that are not even remotely on the table in most discussions of healthcare reform, and (3) the diverse nature of the kinds of experts, stakeholders, and service providers who ought to be involved in a reality-based process of creating a nation healthcare system, as opposed to the relatively narrow set of predominantly corporate interests represented in the existing "reform" process.

As with health-care, so too with education: a narrow, corporately-influenced definition of the problem, the issues and those responsible isolates the problem from the larger social context and predetermines limitations in advance that predetermine the impossibility of true success.

Tables and further discussion on the flip.

Paul Rosenberg :: Health Care & The Socio-Political-Cultural-Physical Environment--What's Missing w/ Obama's Approach

The figures in this first table show a consistent pattern of disparities across all manner of facilities and personnel.  However, the differences are much more pronounced among personnel.  Particularly striking is the difference in "Oncologists per 100,000 population," with 1.6% of the personnel available in West LA.  This is even more striking, since South LA is heavily impacted with a variety of environmental health risks known to increase cancer rates.  It's also worth noting that one reason for affirmative action programs in college and professional education is that black and Latino health care workers--especially doctors--have traditionally been vastly over-represented in providing services to their own communities.  Put simply, if black and Latino medical professionals don't get educated, the figures above would almost certainly be even more inequitable than they already are.  How adequate can health care reform be if it's conceptualized in terms of helping individuals, rather than entire communities that are so drastically underserved in so many ways?   I'm sure that osomeone must be asking this question as the reform process advances.  I just see no evidence that this question is being given the central consideration that it deserves.

Here we see the vast inequality in health care coverage manifested through a variety of measures.  How well will the proposed changes actually serve this community?  In contrast to single-payer systems in other countries, the answer is almost certainly, "not very well."  But at least this is one area that's receiving some sort of systematic attention in current discussions.

While there are significant difference here, it's at least plausible that most of the differences could be significantly reduced through a process focused on the individual and family level.  But it's certainly not guaranteed.  And given the more toxic environment of South LA, what's actually needed is higher levels of preventive care.

Here is where we begin to see dramatic evidence of profound disparities which are largely absent from the health care reform debate.  These are not the only health-impacting factors, yet they are numerous and diverse enough to give a good sense of how much is missing from approaches that de-emphasize the social and physical environment.  A broader view of such factors is revealed in the following chart, with similar kinds of disparities:

The totality of factors measured above gives a powerful indication of how heavily the deck is stacked against the good health of low-income minorities, and how inadequate it is to think of health care reform solely in terms of the individual or the family, and matters related directly to what the "health care industry" provides.  This provides some sense of how much is being left out of the picture on the front side of planning for comprehensive reform.

But there's more.  For each of the separate categories above, the report card presents an analysis of the problems, and what it would take to address them.  These analyses provide a further indication of how much more coordination of effort is needed from lawmakers, government agencies and others, who will also be little-considered in the process of bringing about and implementing health care reform.  I offer just a couple of examples to the flavor of what I'm talking about, using only the summary table of recommendations.

First, from the area of environmental resources:

Note the vast ranges of agencies cited, from federal representatives to state-level officials and agencies, down to the local school district.

Next, from the are of primary and preventive care:

Again, we see a similar broad range of agencies, from the federal to the local level.  Simply coordinating the efforts of such a broad range of actors is in itself a daunting task.  If ever there was an argument needed for consolidating efforts, the simple act of listing everyone currently responsible should provide it.  And yet, such comprehensive consolidation of effort does not even appear to be a major concern.  

What all the above says to me is that people's lived experience in their communities is far removed from the kind of thinking about health care reform that we can expect from a process that is dominated by industry shareholders.  And this is precisely the sort of systemic disconnect we can expect from the combination of forces that tend to dominate in "market-oriented" liberal welfare state and the elite special-interest oriented conservative welfare state.  What is sorely missing is the bottom-up perspective reflective the inclusionary logic of the social democratic welfare state.


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One thing that I can't fault Obama for (0.00 / 0)
is that he put in his years doing bottom-up work, so you can't call him a corporatist through and through. But I think he realized that there's only so much that you can accomplish that way in this country, and that there needs to be a top-down counterpart that hopefully meets in the middle at some point in time. He decided to focus on the latter, and I think is expecting others to continue with the former. He also knows that there's generally friction when the two approachs confront each other, and I imagine is counting on those who are still focused on bottom-up to fight the good fight when they come up against the top-down people.

It's really no different from his apparent approach to civil liberties. He did his bit on the bottom-up side, and is now part of the top-down class, and expects others to keep up the struggle. I think that he views such situations as inherently Hegelian, that there's no point in pretending or acting otherwise, and that if both sides do what they do--the establishment, top-down thesis protecting and expanding the status quo, the counter-establishment, bottom-up antithesis fighting the establishment--something positive might result as a synthesis of this struggle. And, if you look at American history, that's generally been the case. The establishment ALWAYS fought to preserve the status quo, and the dispossessed always had to fight to get what they wanted and felt that they deserved. It was never handed to them. Right or wrong, that's just the way that it's always been.

So perhaps Obama decided that instead of trying to rewrite the laws of progress, he might as well pick the side where he thinks that he can do the most good, and then let the struggle ensue and lead where it will. "Make me do it" appears to be his message. And who knows, perhaps by siding with the establishment, he will succeed in moderating their pernicious influence enough to make it possible for outsiders to have a fighting chance.

"Those who stand for nothing fall for anything...Mankind are forever destined to be the dupes of bold & cunning imposture" -- Alexander Hamilton


"...expects others to keep up the struggle." (4.00 / 1)
Best explanation I've heard why Obama voted to gut the Fourth Amendment by granting the telcos retroactive immunity for the warrantless surveillance program  by voting for FISA [cough] reform -- he expects others to "keep up the struggle" for a return to Constitutional government. Thanks.

I am in earnest -- I will not equivocate -- I will not excuse -- I will not retreat a single inch -- AND I WILL BE HEARD.  

[ Parent ]
I didn't say that I agreed with him (0.00 / 0)
I'm just trying to understand why he's doing this, and offering one possible explanation. Sheesh. If you've read my comments I've been all over him on these issues.

"Those who stand for nothing fall for anything...Mankind are forever destined to be the dupes of bold & cunning imposture" -- Alexander Hamilton

[ Parent ]
Sorry (0.00 / 0)
I seem lose my temper a little more easily than usual these days. I can't think way.

I am in earnest -- I will not equivocate -- I will not excuse -- I will not retreat a single inch -- AND I WILL BE HEARD.  

[ Parent ]
I Always Fucking Hated Hegel (0.00 / 0)
thanks for once again reminding me why.

And, if you look at American history, that's generally been the case. The establishment ALWAYS fought to preserve the status quo, and the dispossessed always had to fight to get what they wanted and felt that they deserved. It was never handed to them. Right or wrong, that's just the way that it's always been.

Actually, Abe Lincoln, FDR, not so much. Even LBJ on domestic stuff--civil rights, Medicare, etc.

Yes, the dispossessed had to fight. But the result of their fight over time is that part of the establishment shifts.  And that's what folks thought they were getting with Obama.  Turns out, some, but not so much.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Lincoln entered office intending to preserve the Union (0.00 / 0)
--i.e. the established power structure--and put the country on a track of liberal (in a 19th century classical sense) economic reform, not to end slavery. He had to be pushed to do that by northern abolitionists and southern intransigence, and the reality of the Civil War.

FDR entered office as a centrist corporate Dem who wanted to restore the economy, not push through a massive social justice-based restructuring of it. He had to be pushed to do that by progressive liberals, and the realities of the Great Depression.

LBJ wasn't big on civil rights until his first full term, and had to be pushed into it by social justice leaders like MLK and the mass social justice movements that they led, and the realities of the still highly segregated Jim Crow south, e.g. the lynchings, Connor, etc.

What's different about Obama is that, unlike these men, he actually came from a grass roots social justice background, and has ended up embracing and joining the very establishment that he used to work against. Whether out of the usual cynical reasons--e.g. greed, ego, megalomania, weakness, self-deception--or because he believed that it's more effective to effect change from the inside out than the outside in--or, perhaps, because he believed that both are necessary, and that, rightly or wrongly, honestly or dishonestly, he was best able to help things along by being on the inside than on the outside--he has decided to join the establishment, and leave it to others to keep up the struggle.

I wasn't arguing that Obama was in fact adopting this "Psst, I'll be your man on the inside pretending to be a sellout, while you guys keep up the struggle on the outside" approach, and even if he has, that it's sincere, smart or likely to succeed. I was just speculating that this could be his approach, or at least what he's convinced himself is his approach. And I suspect that it is, whether sincere and/or likely to succeed or not.

We really don't have a fitting historical analog for what we're seeing with Obama. We've had populists who remained populists as president, to one degree of success or another, e.g. Jackson and Carter. We've had establishmentarians who remained establishmentarians as president, to one degree of success or another, e.g. Reagan and Bush. And we've had establishmentarians who turned populist as president, e.g. Lincoln, FDR and LBJ. But we've never really had a populist who turned establishmentarians as president before. Well, I suppose that Clinton was sort of a populist early in his political career. But he was a centrist through and through by the time he became president. Although, I suppose that one can say the same about Obama, albeit on an accelerated schedule.

In any case, whatever he once was, whatever he now is, and whatever the reasons for this apparent transformation, it's clear that he's now an establishmentarian, who needs to be pushed from the outside and from below, to do good things.

Plus, I don't know where you get this:

And that's what folks thought they were getting with Obama.  Turns out, some, but not so much.

I thought that it was pretty well accepted in more enlightened parts on the left that, whatever he used to be, by the time he was running for president, Obama was no populist insurgent hell-bent on reforming the system from within a la Jackson. You yourself argued as much during the campaign, against people such as myself who were only reluctantly convinced that he was no populist or progressive, by people such as yourself.

So I'm not sure what your point is here. We knew what we were getting, and nothing that he's done so far should surprise anyone all that much. He's been more of an establishmentarian in such areas, especially civil liberties and national security, and a bit more of a progressive on other issues, such as the budget. But on the whole, he's pretty much what we expected. And our criticisms of him are unsurprising and essential.

The various factions are coalescing, and the battle is being joined. Obama just happens to be on the other side, for whatever reasons, right or wrong, smart or stupid, honest or dishonest, and we have to engage him at face value, whatever his underlying motivations for doing what he's doing. I was just speculating on why he might be doing them, because, given his background, it is rather perplexing, and dismaying. That's all.

"Those who stand for nothing fall for anything...Mankind are forever destined to be the dupes of bold & cunning imposture" -- Alexander Hamilton


[ Parent ]
Like I Said, Part of The Establishment Shifts (0.00 / 0)
And even your attempt to minimize Lincoln and Roosevelt's progressive orientations can't mask that fact.  (FDR's record as governor of NY made it very clear he was not your garden variety "corporate Dem", thank you.  And Lincoln's Cooper Union speech certainly made his intentions clear to the South, if not to you.)

As for this claim:

LBJ wasn't big on civil rights until his first full term, and had to be pushed into it by social justice leaders like MLK and the mass social justice movements that they led, and the realities of the still highly segregated Jim Crow south, e.g. the lynchings, Connor, etc.

It's just patently false.  As Majority Leader, LBJ pushed through the 1957 Civil Rights Act, in, um, 1957--the first civil rights legislation in almost a century.  It was JFK who was lukewarm on civil rights.  Of course LBJ wouldn't have been able to do anything without the Civil Rights Movement creating pressure on the entire political system.  It wasn't LBJ who needed the prodding.  He needed the help to prod others.

Plus, I don't know where you get this:

    And that's what folks thought they were getting with Obama. Turns out, some, but not so much.

I thought that it was pretty well accepted in more enlightened parts on the left that, whatever he used to be, by the time he was running for president, Obama was no populist insurgent hell-bent on reforming the system from within a la Jackson. You yourself argued as much during the campaign, against people such as myself who were only reluctantly convinced that he was no populist or progressive, by people such as yourself.

Because tens of millions of people read and agreed with me.

Oh, wait....

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Read and agreed with you on what? (0.00 / 0)
Your entire thing about Obama during the campaign was that he was running against the left while pretending to be a progressive to people who mistook his "Change" and "Hope" shtick for the real thing. You almost had a meltdown when he mildly praised Reagan's political skills, and kept railing about how he was using language that undermined his credentials, and ability to govern, as a progressive, if elected. So who exactly was expecting him to be any different from what he is, by and large? Certainly not you, or anyone who was actually paying attention during the campaign. Thus my confusion as to your apparent surprise here that he's governing pretty much as many people--yourself included--expected him to govern.

As an establishmentarian centrist, with some liberal leanings. Which he is, and what we have to work with. So I'm not understanding your apparent surprise, or even dismay, that he's turned out the way you expected him to turn out. Like this wasn't all to be expected? You were practically leading the charge on the whole "But he's NOT a progressive" shtick.

And my point about Lincoln, FDR and LBJ is that they didn't start out as ideologically progressive as they ended up being, and were pushed into it by outside pressure and circumstances. Lincoln didn't intend to free the slaves. FDR wasn't even dreaming of the New Deal on anywhere near the scale that it ended up being, even as a candidate--Perkins and Hopkins and others pushed him into that. And he didn't fight prohibition until it was politically safe to do so.

As for LBJ, you're right that he was more ideologically progressive early on, but he had some initial political hesitation with some of his programs before pressure from progressive movements and leaders, and the landslide of '64, prompted him to go full steam ahead with them, reassured that he now had the political capital to make them happen.

And as for Obama, he is different from all of these in being someone who, if you assume that he came from a progressive background early on, has steadily moved towards the center, where he's now situated, but not, I believe, firmly and immovably entrenched.

I do agree that he's no Lincoln, FDR or LBJ. But he is what we've got.

And tens of millions, Paul? You have a TV show I've never heard of?

Unless you're being sarcastic in some 11th degree chess way.

"Those who stand for nothing fall for anything...Mankind are forever destined to be the dupes of bold & cunning imposture" -- Alexander Hamilton


[ Parent ]
11-Dimensional PICKUP STICKS, Please! (0.00 / 0)
Sarcasm or Snark?  We retort, you decide.

Here's the thing: Now that he's in office and actually, you know, doing stuff, there's a lot less opacity.  Still a great deal of it (the actual meaning of "transparency" seems to be yet another casualty of the War On Terra), but not like during the campaign.  And so know I'm writing about that.

And, one can, after all, be affronted without being totally taken by surprise.

As for the rest, I'm just tired of Lincoln and Roosevelt being rewritten to make Obama look good.

I want Obama rewritten to make Obama look good.  That's the job I'm up for.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
You nailed it (0.00 / 0)
This:
a narrow, corporately-influenced definition of the problem, the issues and those responsible isolates the problem from the larger social context and predetermines limitations in advance that predetermine the impossibility of true success.
And this:
people's lived experience in their communities is far removed from the kind of thinking about health care reform that we can expect from a process that is dominated by industry shareholders.

I'll post some of my own thoughts in a separate comment, but I just wanted to give a "hell yeah!" first.  


"Family First" (4.00 / 1)
You hit on something that's been of great concern to me for some time:
The totality of factors measured above gives a powerful indication of how heavily the deck is stacked against the good health of low-income minorities, and how inadequate it is to think of health care reform solely in terms of the individual or the family

Have any of you seen those "Family First" commercials? They really get under my skin. "Family First" sounds fine on its surface, and I imagine has an easy appeal to both "bootstrap" conservatives and many self-defined "liberals". My problem with it is that the implied definition of the word "family" here is so very narrow. I believe such a limited definition of "family" promotes the kind of insidious Me-First-ism that keeps us at odds against each other and firmly under the corporate boot.



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