Serious People Agree: The Public is Ambivalent About Iraq

by: brklyngrl

Sun Sep 09, 2007 at 14:00


Really they're not. But with the Petreaus White House Iraq non-progress report on its way on Tuesday, we're due for another round of the argument that Americans, if pushed, don't fully support withdrawal. The 'ambivalent' gambit basically goes like this: When we look at the polls a clear majority of Americans favor withdrawal. But because they vary in terms of their preferred timeline, don't all favor defunding, or recognize some potential complications of withdrawal, they don't really mean it. It is the serious, centrist, on the one hand, on the other hand complement to the blatant lie (already being pushed) that Americans are opposed to withdrawal.

American 'ambivalence' has been a staple of serious commentary since before the beginning of the Iraq war. The exact parameters used to illustrate this ambivalence have changed over time, but the argument remains basically in tact.

Poll Analysis: Americans Are of Two Minds About War in Iraq (LATimes, 2002)

Almost seven in 10 Americans agree (including 44% who agree strongly) that the country should take military action against Iraq only with the support of the international community. This result is basically the same as was found in the same August Times poll when respondents were asked the same question. At that time, 65% of respondents thought the U.S. should not act without the support of a multi-national coalition (including 43% who agreed strongly). This idea is supported by half of political conservatives and 52% of Republicans.

Is it me, or are people pretty clearly saying  "No war without the international community's support"? In the 2002 version, the public ambivalence narrative is driven by the 58% who say they would support the President if he decided to go to war.

Poll: USA doubts Iraq success, but not ready to give up (USAToday, 2005)

Most Americans don't believe the United States will succeed in winning the war in Iraq or establishing a stable democracy there, according to a USA TODAY/CNN/Gallup Poll.

But an ambivalent public also says sending troops to Iraq wasn't a mistake, a sign that most people aren't yet ready to give up on the war.

Isn't not believing the war will succeed kind of an indication that people ARE ready to give up? In the 2005 version, ambivalence is not saying the invasion was a mistake.

Pew fired the opening shot for the late 2007 version of the ambivalence argument last Wednesday.

What Could Convince Americans to Stay the Course in Iraq?

National polls this summer have found a majority of respondents believing that the surge has not changed or worsened the "situation in Iraq. So, at the moment the public may seem in no mood to compromise with those of opposing views on Iraq.

Yet responses to other questions suggest that the public may not be as adamant as it appears at first glance.

These ambivalent views about the Iraq conflict offer both a dilemma and a possible opportunity for policymakers.

In the report Pew discusses data from July showing that the public favors gradual withdrawal over both immediate withdrawal and staying the course, and is aware of both potential risks and rewards of leaving Iraq. It's worth reading in full, if only because it lays out the way polling data is likely to be used to support the argument for compromise as clearly as I've seen. In 2007 ambivalence is represented by recognizing the potential negative outcomes of withdrawal and by being split on withdrawal tactics.

To be clear, there is quantitative support for individual pieces of this argument. It is true that Americans who favor bringing the troops home are split between removing them gradually or immediately (pdf, p.46). It's also true that none of those people want to see the troops stay in Iraq indefinitely. It is true that Americans recognize potential complications of withdrawal - including civil war (pdf, p. 48) - if troops are withdrawn. It's the conclusion that is suspect.

Given the choice between staying and leaving, the American people prefer to leave. The connection between recognizing complexity and not being adamant about withdrawal is unclear to me. According to the ABC/Washington Post poll out today, of the 58% of Americans who believe forces in Iraq should be drawn down, 62% think we should begin to do so right away. An additional 27% think we should begin by the end of the year. That leaves only 11% who either don't know (2%) or think we should start later than Christmas (9%). Additional questions on separate issues relating to Iraq are not a deeper exploration of people's feelings about withdrawal. Americans have a realistic view of the Iraq situation, have weighed the options, and want to withdraw.

(An aside on the word ambivalent: Ambivalent is often read as being undecided about something, or having no strong opinion. It can also mean having strongly conflicted feelings about an issue. I assume the latter meaning is operative here. When used to describe public opinion, the word ambivalent can then be applied to describe any situation with less than unanimous agreement despite the fact that individuals are not ambivalent at all. Nevertheless, I feel it is misleading to use the word ambivalent to characterize public opinion data that shows Bush's base (ie 30%ish of the country) in favor of action X, and everyone else opposed.) 

brklyngrl :: Serious People Agree: The Public is Ambivalent About Iraq

Tags: , , (All Tags)
Print Friendly View Send As Email
Yes, but (0.00 / 0)
I agree that there's a clear majority in favor of starting withdrawal just about as quick as it could practically be done. (Christmas is only a tad over three months away - yikes!)

But that only gets us so far. We know that the only way withdrawal will start will be if Congress declines to send a funding bill to Bush that he will sign.

And - moreover - if they send him a clean regular FY08 defense apps bill, that will provide indirect Iraq funding for some time, even without a supplemental bill - till March, apparently.

What Dem Congressional leaderships would want comfort on before going the send no bill route - probably too much comfort than conceivably possible, but there we are - is that the voters, as well as willing the end (early start to withdrawal), also will the means (send no bill).

So far as I'm aware, there is no publicly available direct polling evidence on this question (vigorous exchange of views thereon yesterday).


JTA (0.00 / 0)
One other area of exposure for the Dem leaderships is the Warner-style itsy bitsy teeny weeny withdrawal, well within the numbers by which the forces in Iraq have surged.

If the Dems are going send no bill at the same time as the WH are trumpeting the withdrawal of (say) 5,000, that only makes the Dem task presentationally that bit harder.


[ Parent ]
Even if there were public polling data (0.00 / 0)
on not funding, I'm not sure how much I would trust it. The differences between timelines, benchmarks, defunding (with a bill), and not funding (no bill) get into some relatively arcane constitutional law and parliamentary procedure. Also, Democrats like Joe Biden are arguing that defunding will hurt the troops.

What's frustrating to me is the way a fog seems to descend over the issue of public opinion during these debates. It seems clear to me that the vast majority of people either want out now (by which they apparently mean right now, start tomorrow) or out on a timeline that is basically indistinguishable logistically from right now. Democratic Congressional leadership should be making their case to the public that they will use every available tool at their disposal to get us out of Iraq.

Is that likely to happen? Doesn't seem so. But, I want to make sure no one has the cover of ambivalent public opinion to hide behind.


[ Parent ]
Right there with you! (0.00 / 0)
I agree that the overwhelming weight of public opinion favors an early exit from Iraq.

And that testing opinion on specific scenarios with any degree of reliability - so as to form the basis of decision-making by pols - is a rather trickier task.

And - I'd also agree that one of the main purposes of the blizzard of different bills and resolutions and amendments on Iraq withdrawal that we've had more or less since this Congress opened has been to give cover to the immobilism of the Dem leadership (fave song: Busy Doing Nothing).

Not only do the leaderships have no intention of using pro-withdrawal opinion to back radical action, but they also want make sure the voters are confused and apathetic on the issue to minimize the impact of bomb-throwers like you pointing to the opportunity they're wasting!

Ain't politics grand...


[ Parent ]
BBC poll on withdrawal (0.00 / 0)
The Beeb released an interesting global poll on this - with US numbers broken out. Charts available here: http://news.bbc.co.u...

Most people 'want Iraq pull-out'
Most people across the world believe US-led forces should withdraw from Iraq within a year, a BBC poll suggests.

Some 39% of people in 22 countries said troops should leave now, and 28% backed a gradual pull-out. Just 23% wanted them to stay until Iraq was safe.

In the US, one-in-four supported an immediate withdrawal, while 32% wanted Iraq's security issues to be resolved before bringing the troops home.

The BBC World Service commissioned the survey of 23,193 people.

In the survey, people were asked whether coalition troops should pull out of Iraq immediately, commit to a gradual withdrawal over a year, or leave when the security situation improves.

In 19 countries, the majority of those questioned believed troops should be withdrawn either immediately or within a year.

Just three countries - Kenya, the Philippines and India - did not have an overall majority favouring withdrawal within a year.

Large numbers of people questioned in India (36%) declined to comment or said they "didn't know".

Muslim countries including Indonesia (65%), Turkey (64%) and Egypt (58%) were among those most eager for troops to be withdrawn immediately.

But an immediate pull-out was much less popular in Australia (22%), the US (24%) and UK (27%) - the countries with most troops deployed in Iraq.

We discussed this on FDL the other day: http://www.firedogla...


I think that you're missing the point (0.00 / 0)
This is an excellent analysis of where the public stands right now and I have no truck with that aspect of it.  However, I don't think I do you a disservice in assuming that you think its implication is that Democrats should not cower during this month of voting on Iraq, so I'll go straight to addressing that.  This is my speculation, but it's informed speculation, and you and others should take it for what it's worth.

To assess the Democrats, we want to know what they make of this apparently compelling information.  But what people think now is not what is determining Democratic MOCs' responses to the Iraq issue.  Implicit in your argument is that Democrats should recognize the degree of freedom they have to support dramatic action in Iraq, given this present degree of public support.  But they are concerned with what public opinion on this issue will be like leading up to and on November 7, 2008.

The specific concern of Democratic MOCs is that the Republicans will be successful in pulling off a Dolchstoss strategy against them once The Next Bad Thing happens after the Democrats manage to put any teeth into their antiwar position -- especially if it happens before the election, which is one of the three strategies (the others being immigration yayaing and pretending that Pelosi is Gingrich when the government shuts down after no budget passes) for scrambling to an improbable victory in 2008.

I do not personally share the concern all that strongly, largely because I think that the Republicans are going to do it anyway and the gullible segments of the public will be duly gulled.  But it's far from a stupid or negligible concern, and at any rate it's important to understand that their actions are (IMHO) being guided by their predictions rather than their inability to read current polls.

The oleaginous, scumsucking (can I say that here?) Sen. Lindsay Graham previewed the Dolchstoss strategy for the Dems today when he took complete leave from reality and bullshat out that we have the enemy in Iraq on the mat, that any strong Democratic action will let them survive to fight again (like bin Laden at Tora Bora, he did not add), and that we'd be -- gack! -- breaking our soldier's hearts if we brought them home "prematurely."

The data you cite should allow us to conclude that the wide majority of Americans (though not FNS viewers) would greet this display with audibly synchronous eye-rolling.  But that's not the point.  It doesn't matter what people think now, it matters what people think on Election Day, and Sen. Graham was offering a shot across the bow as to what will be said in the weeks leading up to it if and when Something Big and Bad happens (in Iraq, Iran, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Israel, Syria, or especially here at home) before then.

Your data does not allow us to say that the public will be consistent from now to then and remember that they too wanted withdrawal, etc., so logically should share the blame.  The public doesn't think that way.  It holds no burden of consistency; people will not even remember than they once held a contrary view if fourteen months from now it makes them happier to forget.  (There's plenty of social science evidence for this if it's not obvious.)  They want to withdraw now, but they may well not admit it then if the plan appear to have come a cropper.

Personally, I would roll the dice, attach poison pills to any bill, refuse to pass anything if need be, and work on getting the word out to voters so that they understand that it's the right move even if suspected terrorists give out anthrax-covered donuts in West Philly for Halloween 2008.  But I'm not your average Democratic representative.  Your analysis leads to perplexity at how they can be so dumb, so fearful, and/or so rotten.  But there should be no perplexity: they are maddeningly equivocating because they don't consider these polls decisive.  They know that these polls may have only a passing relationship to what people will think 14 months from now if Things Go Bad.

If we want to change their views, keeping in mind what fuels their current views is paramount.

I speak only for myself, not for those voices in the next room that won't leave me alone.







Donate to Open Left




blog advertising is good for you
blog advertising is good for you
USER MENU

SEARCH

   

Advanced Search