Empathy and Experience in the Law

by: wobbly

Tue May 26, 2009 at 23:30


When Obama declared "empathy" a necessary quality for a Supreme Court justice, the main organs of print and TV media responded in their typically bifurcated way.  Liberals praised Obama for understanding the need for a justice who could relate to "everyday people" while conservatives predictably lambasted the president for soft-mided, emotional wishy-washiness. One thing that journalists of all stripes seem to agree on, however, is that Obama's position represents an innovation, yet another example of how this president, for better or worse, thinks "outside the box."

As with every complex and meaningful issue in US social and political life, the MSM has understood the battle over Obama's selection of a new justice in the context of interpersonal rather than social conflict.  That Obama's own statements about the meaning of empathy have echoed this tendency to personalize large issues contributes to this confusion.  

A look at the history of US jurisprudence suggests that, rather than a sentimental innovation, Obama draws on a well worn body of legal tradition in calling for a justice with empathy.  In The Common Law, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. argues that "the life of the law has not been logic; it has been experience. The felt necessities of the time, the prevalent moral and political theories, intuitions of public policy, avowed or unconscious, even the prejudices which judges share with their fellow men, have had a good deal more to do than the syllogism in determining the rules by which men should be governed."  I argue that we need to understand Obama's call for empathy in the context of what Holmes calls "experience."

wobbly :: Empathy and Experience in the Law
Holmes's influential 1897 essay "The Path of the Law" is suggestive in understanding what the great justice meant by experience.  Here Holmes asserts that "judges themselves have failed adequately to recognize their duty of weighing considerations of social advantage."  As a consequence, the "social end which is aimed at by a rule of law is obscured and only partially attained in consequence of the fact that the rule owes its form to a gradual historical development, instead of being reshaped as a whole, with conscious articulate reference to the end in view."  Holmes wrote the essay as an effort to guide legal education and theory away from antique abstractions like Roman law, for example, and towards a more scientific understanding of current case law and its relation to broader currents in social life generally.

Holmes wrote "The Path of the Law" at a time of profound social and economic upheaval owing to rapid industrialization, immigration and political tumult.  A rather private man with intensely public interests, Holmes surrounded himself with prominent young intellectuals like Felix Frankfurter, Harold Laski, and Louis Brandeis, among others.  As leaders of the progressive movement, these thinkers introduced Holmes to emerging developments in the relatively newfangled social sciences of which they were leading exponents.  Such works influenced Holmes's jurisprudence, and the ideas expressed in "The Path of the Law" prove foundational in Legal Realism, a progressive legal theoretical offshoot, and Law and Economics, a more recent development.  Here Holmes's project and that of the progressives may be understood as akin to that of Enlightenment philosophers who attempted to establish a new grounding for ethics and social knowledge with the breakdown of older systems of authority.    

What brings Holmes's notion of experience, his work as a theorist, the progressive movement, and these schools of legal thought together is an understanding of the constructive, legitimizing role that the social sciences play in public life.  While Obama's call for empathy deliberately - even manipulatively - plays up the word's interpersonal connotations, Obama the legal scholar understands the forms of social knowledge that endow such connotations with public relevance.  It is within this tradition of progressive social science rather than mere affective emotionalism that Obama's call for empathy should be understood.    


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It's BECAUSE they can be confused, (4.00 / 1)
It is within this tradition of progressive social science rather than mere affective emotionalism that Obama's call for empathy should be understood.  

that the difference will be consciously elided, and the confusion exploited. Most folks haven't got the foggiest notion of the social science meaning, and most Murkins would find that prima facie evidence to discard it...Murka don't do no nuance, mofo...

John Kyl don't want no kinda judges who, in some fit of uncontrollable 'empathy,' might set some raghaid terrist loose to kill us and rape our wimmen...


I understand your point (0.00 / 0)
My task here merely is to describe a salient historical and intellectual connection that helps contextualize what Obama means by empathy.  Of course you're right, idiots and demagogues will be idiots and demagogues.  

Three Points (4.00 / 3)
This is an excellent diary, and I just want to piggy back a bit here with a few observations.

First, I think it's very important to also know that before Holmes, there was a period much like our own when conservative dogma was read into the Constitution, and then read back out as simply reflecting what the Constitution said.  What you're describing here was a key turning away from dogmatic fantasy, and toward as sort of "social realism" broadly conceived, which stretched all the way into Warren Court in a position of dominance, and even into the Burger Court, by sheer inertia.  It was a prime purpose of the conservative legal movement to turn us back toward dogmatic fantasy.

Second, I think that Law and Economics is less an offshoot than a perversion, a means for returning us to dogmatic conservative fantasy.  And to the extent that Obama and his advisers, such as Sunstein, remain wedded to that framework, his aspiration and his intellectual vision (or lack thereof) remain fundamentally at odds.  

Third, the critical perspective I've referred to before from John Hanson, explored in his writings on situationism vs. dispositionism (blog here, gloss of an overview lecture here) is the sort of deep critique that's need to get back on track of what Holmes & circle were onto.  Indeed Hanson's Project on Law and Mind Sciences at Harvard Law School seems very much the 21st Century parallel to what Holmes initiated.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


p.s. (4.00 / 3)
A recent post from Hanson's blog is worth quoting from here:

Yesterday, Situationist Contributors Adam Benforado and Jon Hanson published an op-ed, "Right or Left, Judges Are Activists," in the Philadelphia Inquirer.

* * *

The attack is on. Supreme Court Justice David Souter may still have his robe, but a conservative rabble has already begun its effort to influence who will wear it next. Their weapon is a tested one: the claim of "judicial activism."

Over the last week, conservative pundits and bloggers have set their sights on Judge Sonia Sotomayor of the Second U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. By most accounts, Sotomayor, who was first nominated to the federal bench by President George H.W. Bush in 1991, is an accomplished, respected jurist with a compelling personal story. Nonetheless, some on the far right have assailed her for daring to speak honestly and insightfully about the judicial process and what judging entails.

What precisely has drawn their ire? Sotomayor has challenged the popular illusion that a judge's job is simply to apply the precedents and principles that the law provides to the facts at hand. She has publicly acknowledged what legal scholars have recognized at least since Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr.'s famous observation that "the life of the law has not been logic; it has been experience.  [You can find a video containing some of the evidence of her offending views below.]

As Sotomayor has explained, "personal experiences affect the facts that judges choose to see," and true impartiality may be impossible "in all, or even in most, cases." Her point is not that a good judge should surrender to those influences, but that to pretend they do not exist is to surrender to them.

More generally, to give unexamined weight to the experiences, worldviews, and ideologies of those who tend to occupy the bench is to favor the privileged. It is bias in the name of neutrality and a thumb on the scale in the guise of equality.

Thus, while Sotomayor has continually questioned her own "opinions, sympathies, and prejudices" in a struggle to approach objectivity, she has nonetheless wondered "whether by ignoring our differences as women or men of color we do a disservice both to the law and society."

Sotomayor's statements are hardly grounds for disqualification; indeed, they are supported by a century of legal scholarship that is now the stuff of many first-year law classes. All judges by necessity resort to their own moral and political values when analyzing complex factual questions and ambiguous statutory language. And all judges are susceptible to cognitive proclivities and limitations - often beyond their awareness and control.



"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3

[ Parent ]
Thanks for the plug, (4.00 / 1)
I'm truly flattered.

My point isn't normative but descriptive.  Whether you think Law and Economics is "less an offshoot than a perversion" of what I would call "public" contrasted against "private" empathy, it recognizes the necessary role of social science in jurisprudence, and this is limited context in which I understand Holmes's use of the term "experience."  Truth be told, I don't think Holmes had much in the way of empathy or compassion, and what little he did cultivate came via folks like Brandeis and the young Frankfurter.  

As an aside, if you haven't read him already, Guido Calabresi might change your thinking about Law and Economics, if only a little.  Hell, even Richard Posner seems to be warming up to Keynesianism somewhat these days.  

Thanks for reminding me of John Hanson, I need to pay more attention to him.    


[ Parent ]
I Think Critical Race Theory (4.00 / 1)
has a better claim to the lineage, but I understand you were being descriptive.

As I see it, the fundamental failing of law & economics is the fundamental failing of economics--the illusion that it's a hard science, modeled along the lines of thermodynamics (which was, in fact, formalized at almost the same time as classical micro-economics was), and conforming to a fundamentalist model of science ala positivism.  In contrast to the denial that law & economics is a construct, critical race theory embraces the fact that it is.  This is both far more intellectually honest, and equally more self-aware.  And it ties back to a Jamesian pragmatist model of science, which isn't privileged over other intellectual enterprises--particularly those of critical discourse--since it accepts a pluralism of legitimate intellectual purposes.   Hanson's situationism then provides a broader framework for discussing both, and more.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
This is especially important in the ACLU vs. Myriad Genetics (0.00 / 0)
The status quo says that when someone puts on the mantle of "business man" they become a modern aristocrat, who can define the laws on the fly.

In this case, Myriad patented testing for Breast Cancer genes BRCA1 & BRCA2, ans charges a lordly sum of $3000 when one can get a 23andMe scan of the entire genome for $400.

As with John Pym on the eve of the English Civil War, I say

The distempers of this kingdom are well known ; they need not repetition; for though we have good laws, yet they want their execution; or if they were executed, it is in a wrong sense.

We need people who will apply the law in the right sense.


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