Why You Should Help Build The Progressive Block

by: Chris Bowers

Wed Jul 01, 2009 at 15:24


I am growing increasingly excited about the emerging Progressive Block strategy. In short, the Progressive Block is where a critical mass of House progressives threaten to join with Republicans in voting against Democratic legislation unless specific, progressive provisions are included in that legislation. It delayed the Democratic leadership for a few weeks on the Afghanistan-IMF supplemental appropriations bill, and has led Speaker Nancy Pelosi to declare that health care reform without a public option will not pass the House.

I am really pumped about this. In the extended entry, I give six reasons why you should be excited, and willing to help out, too.

Chris Bowers :: Why You Should Help Build The Progressive Block
Here is why the Progressive Block strategy is one of the most exciting new developments for progressives in 2009:

1. It is a new strategy based upon conditions that only recently have appeared
The Progressive Block strategy has only become possible in the last six months. That is is even possible is a sign of real political progress in America. As mcjoan summarized on Sunday, in order for the Progressive Block strategy to work, you need all of the following conditions to me met, and that only happened in 2009:

  1. A Democrat in the White House, and Democratic majorities in both branches of Congress. (Achieved in November 2008) Lacking this condition, the working conservative majority, as expressed by Matt Stoller and Paul Rosenberg, will take over again.

  2. A piece or pieces of legislation that the Democratic leadership in Congress and the White House both consider absolute necessities to pass, either politically or structurally. (Good examples include health care and the Afghanistan-IMF supplemental.). Unless you are threatening something that the leadership highly values, they won't care about what progressives do.

  3. A clear, easily understood demand from the progressive grassroots that can be included in the must-pass legislation. The public option is a good example of this, whereas the percentage of emission allowances sold at auction in a cap and trade bill is not. Lacking such a clear line, the idea will be much more difficult to sell both to members of Congress and to progressive activists who will supply the pressure to help hold the Progressive Block in line.

  4. A Republican caucus that will reflexively vote almost unanimously against any must-pass Democratic legislation. It is increasingly obvious that this is the case for health care.

  5. Enough Democrats in Congress who, unless the demand is met, are willing to vote against the must-pass legislation so that they form a majority when combined with Republicans. This obviously requires lots of coordination and pressure with the progressive grassroots. It is also why this strategy is called the Progressive Block, rather than the Progressive Bloc.

  6. The final condition, which mcjoan did not mention, is a Democratic leadership, in either the White House or Congress, that is able to get conservative and centrist Democrats to fall in line with the progressive demand. As ineffective, or unwilling, as the White House and the Democratic Congressional leadership often appear to make right-wing Democrats fall in line, they have previously demonstrated an ability to do so on the legislative efforts they value most highly. Examples include the stimulus, the budget, and even the second $350 billion in bailout funds from the Senate back in January. When they really want the votes, they can get them.
In the specific case of health care, it also helps that the reconciliation process is still available, circumventing the filibuster.

2. It narrows our target range
Rather than needing to pressure 218 members of the House to hold a hard line, the Progressive Block strategy only requires 40-50 members of the House to hold a hard line. This allows for more narrowly targeted and concentrated activism. This will allow our activism to have more of an overall impact.

3. It gives us a more receptive audience
In this strategy, we are primarily calling and emailing more progressive members of Congress. This is a big step up from the often futile fight to convince Blue Dogs and conservodems to do the right thing. These members of Congress are our ideological cohorts, and might just listen to us.

4. It has already been proven effective by the Blue Dogs
Ever since Democrats retook Congress in 2007, the Blue Dogs have proven that this strategy works. By consistently threatening to throw their support with Republicans unless their demands are met, the Blue Dogs have won concessions on Iraq, FISA, the stimulus, EFCA, and much more. Further, rather than animosity, it has gotten them nothing but praise and coddling from the Democratic leadership.

5. It doesn't require outside approval
I am so tired of haring excuses from the Democratic leadership, futilely trying to encourage conservodems to do the right thing, waiting for advocacy groups to finally become more aggressive, and pretending that bipartisanship is getting us anywhere. Perhaps the best part about this strategy is that it doesn't require the approval of the Democratic leadership, the White House, the media, or the progressive advocacy infrastructure. Given current political conditions, it only requires the approval of the Progressive Block.

Now, moderate and corporate Dems can stop lecturing progressives about the vagaries of "political reality." This is because, through the Progressive Block, we are creating political reality, rather than merely suffering its effects.

6. It is being driven by new progressive forces
In addition to Representatives Raul Grijalva and Lynn Woolsey, who chair the Congressional Progressive Caucus, some of the principle architects of this strategy include Darcy Burner, Jane Hamsher, and Matt Stoller (who even suggested the idea last June). It didn't come from the Democratic leadership, and it didn't come from cautious advocacy groups. And none of it would be possible without the grassroots activists who make blogs possible through their donations, commentary, and readership. I love that. It was about time that the new and / or more aggressive progressive members of Congress, operatives, organizations and grassroots came upon a workable strategy of our own.

We are no longer just pawns and supplements in the legislative process. We are no longer just a bunch of lefties howling into the wilderness. We really are coming into our own. And I honestly believe that if enough activsts buy into this strategy and help build the Progressive Block, that we are going to get a public health insurance option as a result.


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Progressive Bloc is teh awesome (4.00 / 9)
I'm not counting any chickens until I see some hatching going on, but the potential for a unified, whippable Progressive Caucus is very encouraging.  I think it's always been one of the larger caucuses, but as we all know, hasn't had power proportional to its numbers.  This could be a game-changer.

Side note: I think you mean to be writing "Progressive Bloc" rather than block.

Yes we Kang


I almost titled the article (0.00 / 0)
I almost titled the article the same way you titled y1our comment: "the progressive block is teh awesome." No joke!

The "k" is actually intentioinal. It emphasizes that the strategy is about blocking legislation until demands are met. But, so many people have commented on the "k", that I'm considering dropping it anyway.

If no one gets your woordplay, then you should probably stop playing.


[ Parent ]
No you should keep it (4.00 / 3)
Because it's more correct.  That's why I like it.  We don't have Blocs, we have caucuses and coalitions in this country.

[ Parent ]
It also lends itself to sports metaphors (4.00 / 1)


[ Parent ]
Keep "block" precisely because it draws comments - (4.00 / 2)
attention to the name underlines what is new and crucial about the block strategy.

There is no such thing as a free market.

[ Parent ]
"Politics is the art of controlling your environment" (4.00 / 8)
Chris. This is indeed pretty exciting, most of all for this reason:

Now, moderate and corporate Dems can stop lecturing progressives about the vagaries of "political reality." This is because, through the Progressive Block, we are creating political reality, rather than merely suffering its effects.

Shout it from the rooftops. Political reality is, sadly, more than public opinion, as this is all showing us. Making the institutional changes we need in order to "fix the system" is the work of generations, and never really end.

This strategy shows us how to get results in our current favorable environment. Its key to actually, you know, mattering, and helps all the long-run movement building by offering focus and chances for real victory. As they say, nothing succeeds like success.

Me | My Work | Future Majority


2 rules. 1. Win By The THE RULES, or, (4.00 / 1)
2. Change THE RULES so you can win.

it is about tie we picked door #1 or door #2 AND kicked ass. Since we were so freaking incompetent on #1, #2 seems like a good idea.

rmm.  

It is too full o' the milk of human kindness To catch the nearest way


[ Parent ]
It is "Block" instead of "Bloc" I think (0.00 / 0)
Because "Bloc" would suggest the Gramscian achievement of controlling what constitutes the political common sense. In a Progressive Bloc this excellent blocking strategy would not be necessary because health care reform with a public option (at the very very least) would be practically a given.

The emergence of conditions for the Progressive Block is a sign that a Progressive Bloc is one step closer to some kind of realization.  


This was supposed to reply to first comment. (0.00 / 0)


[ Parent ]
Gramsci is neat and all (4.00 / 1)
...But I was just looking at the Merriam-Websterian sense of "a group of legislators who act together for some common purpose."

I'm pretty rusty on my Gramsci, and there may be a legitimate distinction there between block and and bloc wherein block is preferred.  But talking about a Progressive Block strategy that relies so uniquely on a Progressive Bloc as its central component is confusing at best.

Yes we Kang


[ Parent ]
Bloc is so European (0.00 / 0)
"Block" is like a basketball move, way more American.  We don't form coalitions, we stuff your layup, suckah!

[ Parent ]
How do grassroots help? (0.00 / 0)
How can the grassroots help form this Progressive Block?  Ask our representatives to join it?  Or do we just keep asking them to vote against certain things?

Good Idea (4.00 / 3)
Under the current political conditions, this strategy makes a lot of sense. Right now, we can probably make it work in the House. Is it possible to do something like this in the Senate, or do we not have enough progressive Senators?

Bernie Sanders is talking about it in the Senate (4.00 / 5)
He's talking about forming a "Coalition of the Unwilling" that will vote against any health care bill that doesn't have a public option. I don't know if he'll be able to get enough Senators to go along with him, though.

[ Parent ]
Why not? .. (0.00 / 0)
Merkley .. Feingold .. Dorgan ... Leahy .. all it takes is 10 .. right?

[ Parent ]
13 is safer (0.00 / 0)
But I tthink Sander is actually trying to form a coalition that, even if they oppose the public option, won't filibuster it so that reconciliation isn't needed. At least that is how I understand it.

[ Parent ]
But it is hard to find even 10 (0.00 / 0)
truly good senators these days.  Merkley seems far from a given.  Feingold is something of a lone wolf.  Bernie and Leahy maybe, but then you've got the Boxers, Durbins, Kennedys, Kerrys, etc. that all want to pass something and are willing to compromise with both the WH and Republicans if necessary.  Health finance reform could give the house to the Dems for the next 50 years, but they are too stupid to seize the moment and at the same time do what is right for the country!

[ Parent ]
makes perfect sense to me. (0.00 / 0)
something to think about in 2010. but really, we should be offering support to the current block in 2009. besides money, are there any ideas for how to do that?

The best thing you can do (0.00 / 0)
Is to use the Citizen Whip Count tool.

[ Parent ]
What else besides health care? (4.00 / 6)
I agree that this is a pretty exciting idea.  But aside from health care reform, is there any legislation that meets all of these criteria?  My guess is that we'll need to win on health care using this strategy, and then win again on something else big soon afterwards, before it starts to coalesce into something that happens regularly.  That sure would be sweet, though.

Re-learning pressure tactics (4.00 / 4)
Like you say, it is easier to get the progressive Dems because they are our ideological cohorts. I want to rephrase this in another way, which is that we start every piece of legislation with John Tanner with him being in a "culture of caution" type of mentality, and we have to flip him. With a Keith Ellison, we start from a position that he will likely tend to agree with the position we would like him to take, and need to ask him to withstand pressure.

My question is what kinds of pressure are needed to get members to "stand firm" "hold on" against pressure from the leadership, corporate interests, etc. It seems to require re-learning pressure tactics, with some exceptions like a call to a House office would be phrased likely the same way.

For example, I just saw PCCC's ad on TV last night trashing Snowe, Nelson etc. for taking insurance industry money. What would our ad asking Ellison and Woolsey to maintain their position refusing to vote for a bill without a public option look like? I can see a number of possibilities, including a more generic ad on why the public option is important. But I think the tactics may be different.

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how about an ad that praises their progressive (4.00 / 2)
credentials (or their commitment to working people), and says that whether they take a hard stand or not is the test of their life.

and then if they do, another ad that praises them for it.  

if 'our' ads can start helping their public approval numbers, they might start seeing the value of sticking up for their convictions.  

 


[ Parent ]
looks like quick hits comments are broken. nt. (4.00 / 1)


Of course... (4.00 / 1)
The big difference between this block and the Blue Dog one is that the Blue Dogs are closer on the ideological spectrum to the Republicans...   The "blocks" that the blue dogs and republicans would pull off typically made them ideological allies, whereas this will not, and might very well cause some Republicans to defect and actually pass crappy legislation with Blue Dogs because not doing so will make them end up with legislation they hate even more.

Maybe Republicans are so crazy that they wouldn't do that (that's probably a good bet actually), but this does still make things a bit trickier than I think you lay out here.  If Republicans were smart they'd get their few "moderate" reps to join in with blue dogs to pass shitty non-reform.


exactly right (4.00 / 1)
Don't get me wrong - this is great.  But I can see Repubs looking for opportunities to mess with things.  The interesting thing here is not necessarily that progressives will totally be able to control things like the public option,etc.  I mean, yeah if Repubs remain beholden to the right 20% of the nation, then it will. But even if some moderate repubs end up switching, the whole dynamic has changed.

 It's going to force important bills to all be like the energy bill was - constant pressure and whipping and sweating of votes by the leadership.  They'll be forced to whip republicans.  The way things will drag out benefits progressives and the grass roots - more chance to yell and scream and change the debate.  The whole situation shifts a little bit to the left.  Even if that's the only concrete thing we get out of it, that's pretty good.

Want a progressive global warming novel, not a right wing rant? Go to www.edwardgtalbot.com for a free audio thriller.


[ Parent ]
The problem with that scenario is this (4.00 / 2)
The Republicans want crappy legislation to pass, but they also want it to pass with only Democratic votes. If crappy legislation passes with a bunch of Republican votes, then they gain nothing because the public will blame them, too.

In order for the Republicans to regain power, the Democrats must not only fail, but the Republicans must also be able to say "Hey, we tried to stop them." If bad bills pass because of Republican votes, they won't be able to make that argument. This leaves them with only two real options: Either A) They can work with the Democrats to craft good legislation for the good of the country, or B) They can vote en masse against everything the Democrats put up, hoping that it will fail. Since they've chosen option B, the Progressive Block strategy could work, assuming that enough progressive Representatives are willing to hold together and buck the leadership (if that becomes necessary).


[ Parent ]
Well, that's why I said so-called "moderates" (0.00 / 0)
Basically they could get GOPers in moderate or lean-blue districts to vote for the non-reform because it will probably actually benefit them... For instance, people like Mark Kirk and Joseph Cao.  How many would they need?  I guess that depends on the size of the block.

[ Parent ]
GOPers in moderate or lean-blue districts (4.00 / 1)
of which there aren't very many left, btw, are going to be the most at risk of losing their seats in the next election. I strongly doubt that they're going to be willing to vote for bad legislation. Further, I doubt that the Republican leadership would ask them to, since they'd know just as well as the individual Reps would that that would make them more likely to lose their seats. And if they can't hold on to the seats they DO have, they have no chance of taking back Congress.

I mean, they might be able to get a few of their Reps to do it, but not the numbers that they'd need.


[ Parent ]
The legislation will be "bad" from OUR point of view (0.00 / 0)
but not from the centrists' POV, which may be the same as those of their constituents.

The question is, will the voters in moderate/lean-blue districts held by Republicans be okay with the crap legislation?  If the answer is yes, then those Republicans can safely vote with the Blue Dogs for the crap legislation without repercussions from their constituents.


[ Parent ]
Great idea! (0.00 / 0)
The more I'm learning, the more I'm liking. We were able to defeat Republicans by learning from their best campaign strategies and adding our own ideas. Perhaps we need to do the same to defeat the ConservaDems.

Yes, Virginia, there are progressives in Nevada.

There are limits to condition 6 (4.00 / 1)
Conservadems won't be moved on their core issues.  I sincerely believe that no amount of pressure from the White House or Congressional leadership will move the bulk of the Blue Dogs on things that they see as important to their vision of what agriculture policy should be.  

So it's not always going to be about the willpower of Democratic leadership.  This effort will fail on areas where conservative and moderate Democrats have drawn a line in the sand.

Things You Don't Talk About in Polite Company: Religion, Politics, the Occasional Intersection of Both


OK Chris, I'm with you! (0.00 / 0)
So my question is, How do we as grassroots activists help build the Progressive Block?

Populist Bloc (4.00 / 2)
My suggestion will sound strange coming from me, as I'm kind of the anti-populist on the site, but I think this should be the Populist Bloc, not the Progressive Bloc.

The reason is I think it will sell better over the mass media.  A Progressive Bloc will automatically be billed as an extremist group.  A Populist Bloc, however, can pick and choose those battles where the popular will is well understood but the "moderates" are preventing that result due to corporate pressure.

The public option is the perfect case.  With 70% of the people in favor of it and only the corporations against it, the Populist Bloc can more easily sell itself as a group demanding the people's will be followed instead of the corporate donors'.

This does mean the Populist Bloc would not be able to push the debate to the left on issues where the popular will is less obvious, but I think those are exactly the battles where the strong-arming might not work as well.


If we use the word progressive to push popular positions (0.00 / 0)
Then the words 'progressive' will get more popular.

[ Parent ]
No, let's stand up for the word "progressive" (0.00 / 0)
We've already lost the word liberal (and IMO, we need to take it back, which is why I use that word in my user name).  We don't need to lose another term.

Besides which, populist just means that you appeal to the desires of the people, which is why there are also right-wing populists.  Hell, even Bill O'Reilly styles himself as a populist.


[ Parent ]
key point (0.00 / 0)
Thank you for laying this out so clearly.

I think this is a really key (and often incredibly difficult) point:

3. A clear, easily understood demand from the progressive grassroots that can be included in the must-pass legislation. The public option is a good example of this, whereas the percentage of emission allowances sold at auction in a cap and trade bill is not. Lacking such a clear line, the idea will be much more difficult to sell both to members of Congress and to progressive activists who will supply the pressure to help hold the Progressive Block in line.

These were relatively easy:

There is no social security crisis, no privatization.
Health care reform must include a public option.

How is the really difficult work going to happen to come up with that bright shining line for global climate change mitigation legislation?

They call me Clem, Clem Guttata. Come visit wild, wonderful West Virginia Blue


That enthusiasm makes me smile (0.00 / 0)







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