Although I still haven't read it all, from what I can gather there were, and still are, a lot of single payer vs. public option advocate fights on Open Left during the past two weeks. This post is my take on that argument, which has been bubbling in a number of places where lefties gather online in recent weeks.
First, let me start with two false charges that are often thrown at the people now pushing for a public option:
The Progressive Block did not pre-compromise. Right now, the leading force behind a public option are the 57 members of the House who have stated they will vote against any health care bill that does not include a public option. Without this group's presence, it is highly likely that the public option would already be removed from all negotiations. This group is what I have been calling the Progressive Block. (and yes, the "k" is intentional).
Contrary to some assertions, the starting point for this group was single-payer. By March 30th, forty-four members of the Block were co-sponsors of HR 676, the Improved Medicare for All Act, which was introduced on January 26th. It was only on April 2nd, long after most of those 44 had become co-sponsors of HR 676, that the Progressive Block first declared a strong public option as its line in the sand. So, the line was drawn after the health care fight had already started, and after the Block itself started with single-payer.
No amount of netroots activism would have resulted in single-payer. Another claim I do not accept is that MoveOn and blogs caused single-payer to fail because they didn't push harder for HR 676. This is completely fallacious. There are 86 co-sponsors of HR 676 (counting Conyers), 84 of whom are full voting members in the House. That leaves the bill 134 short of the 218 needed for passage (when all seats are filled and everyone is voting.) There is simply no way that MoveOn and the blogosphere could have generated enough activism to swing 134 more votes. If we could do that, then we could pass anything we wanted, not just single-payer.
It is important for single-payer activists to remember that those who advocated for single-payer in the House, and those who formulated and executed the pro-public option Progressive Block strategy, are exactly the same members of Congress. In this light, there isn't really a difference between the two groups. The Progressive Block was Plan B for the Congressional Progressive Caucus when it was clear that single-payer wasn't going to happen in 2009.
Now, with all that said, read on for some progressive movement introspection in the extended entry.
Passing single-payer would be a transformative change to the American economic system, shifting up to 5% of GDP the private sector to public. It will require going up against some of the most powerful moneyed interests in the country, and would require virtually all of the political energies of the American left and center-left. It can be done, but it requires a concerted, long-term campaign cognizant of the huge obstacles standing in its path.
Such a campaign has been lacking recently. Over the past several years, the long-term campaign on which the American left has spent most of its political energy has been to remove Republicans from elected power. To put it another way, the vast majority of progressive activism over the past decade in America has mainly focusing electing Democrats.
Even if you think it should have been, and even if certain rhetorical phrases implied that it was, this campaign has not been about a transformative change in the broader national economic structure (which something like single-payer absolutely would be). If anything, the goal of this activism has been about preventing the right-wing from making any more significant changes, and reversing the changes it did make. It has actually had a restorative, nearly pro-status-quo focus.
A look at the co-sponsors of the HR 676 quickly demonstrates this. Of the 75 freshmen and sophomore Democrats who were elected to Congress from the 2006 midterms through today, only 14 are co-sponsors of HR 676, the Improved Medicare for All Act. If the movement to elect Democrats was actually a movement toward a transformative change like single-payer, then someone better tell that to the Democrats who were elected in 2006 and 2008.
The reason we aren't even close on single payer is not because MoveOn didn't send out emails pushing HR 676 in 2009, but because the vast majority of the political energy of the American left and center-left has been focused on more moderate targets since at least 2003. No amount of agitating in 2009 could have changed directions quickly enough to sway Congress, or to compensate for a President who was never going to push for single-payer.
I don't have any regrets over the focus of American progressive activism from 2003-2008. Given the direction we were moving, such a rearguard campaign with more moderate targets remains easily justifiable. I also don't have any regrets about the actions of progressives in the health care fight. The Progressive Block is the best strategy that could be implemented for the short-term once it was clear single-payer wasn't going anywhere.
Still, this is the last time that I intend to campaign for a partial solution on health care. In ten or fifteen years, which should be the next time health care comes to a big legislative fight like this, I plan on being a "single-payer or no deal" advocate. Not only is it already popular enough (58% according to Kaiser, and 49% according to Time), not only is it the best and (as I heard President Clinton call it) most rational means of providing universal coverage at reasonable cost, but as progressives we need to spend the next decade building on the success of the past few years, not just trying to maintain the current political status quo. The current composition and responsiveness of government is still inadequate to address the problems we face as a country and as a species. If we haven't kicked the can further down the road in another decade or so, then I don't know if I could keep my sanity and still be a political activist. My sanity, of course, being a rather small problem compared to what else we will be facing at that time.
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