Our (Missed) Censure and Move On Moment

by: Adam Bink

Mon Sep 21, 2009 at 10:30


There was a post at RedState I read over the weekend, "Defending Against an Alinsky Campaign", that illuminated Glenn Beck's and other conservative tactics recently for me. In graduate school, I took a grassroots politics class in which I read Alinsky's Reveille for Radicals, which actually predated his more well-known and popular Rules for Radicals. In it, he discusses the necessity of taking an opponent, "fixating" on an element or characteristic that could be blown up, "personalizing" it/her/him for the general public to match a negative perception with the name, and "humiliating" it/her/him as much as possible until you win. You see this to a limited extent with Van Jones- which wasn't even reported in many major outlets before he resigned, and certainly much of the public could not name who he was. But you see it to a smaller extent with Yosi Sergant with the NEA. And you see it big-time with ACORN. The two videographers fixated on what could be blown up (getting a few employees to screw up), and then with the noise machine's help, personalized ACORN and made the employees emblematic of the organization as a whole.

The attacks are seemingly unrelated, but I expect to see more that are related to the original personalizations- e.g., a petition asking those affiliated with ACORN to step down. And in some cases, they don't even need to do it. As Paul wrote last night, Democratic members of Congress- many of whom benefited greatly from ACORN's voter registration efforts over the years and advertised their close ties with ACORN- have already distanced themselves. Obama, who himself represented ACORN in a lawsuit and was affiliated in other ways with the group throughout the late 1990s, called for an investigation. I don't see what Obama did as cowardly as Congressional Dems' actions, since even ACORN's chief organizer called for the same, but it adds to the pile-on and keeps the story in the news. It works in what one colleague calls concentric circles- personalize and attack those closest to the organization, then attack those close to those you just attacked, and so forth.

The whole episode got me thinking of response tactics and a failure in organizing to stop this in its tracks. One of my favorite posts by Matt Stoller was one he wrote around failure to stop Alito's nomination and tactics that could have been pursued, but were not. There was organizing here that could have been pursued, but was not. One response that perhaps should have been pursued is similar to what Wes Boyd and Joan Blades of MoveOn.org did in the wake of the Lewinsky scandal- make the ask to "censure and move on". Slap someone/an organization on the wrist, but recognize there are a few bad apples in every organization/corporation, and that there are bigger problems. The advantage to this is that our esteemed Democratic leaders in Congress, in this kind of situation, are looking for an easy out, something to kill this story and give them something to say when a CNN reporter sticks a microphone in their face about it. A resolution is much preferable to de-funding just as a resolution is preferable to impeachment.

Another was to organize to ask for support prior to such a vote. We, including myself, should have organized earlier for a statement of support from those who benefit most/have the closest ties to ACORN, found a Progressive Block that could have blocked a defunding vote (similar to Chris' theory around holding a Block to stand firm on the public option and other key issues), and worked to lock them in. ACORN's tool to ask your member of Congress to stand firm is another step towards this.

The one problem with the latter tactic, at least, is that we operate in a media environment where pressure to de-fund, disaffiliate, distance oneself from, etc. builds like a head of steam in 24 hours, and makes it difficult to organize that kind of larger effort. The Alito nomination and the whip count on health care took months. We didn't have that kind of time. Regardless, once the Senate vote came down, something needed to happen quickly, and it didn't. Progressive movement actors, myself included, have to learn from this episode and figure out where we all went wrong in working to support those attacked. Other organizations/people will soon find themselves in a similar situation. The writer at RedState suggested targeting purple-district Congressional Dems themselves with the same Alinsky tactics and force the already-cautious among them to distance themselves from Obama. I can see this having policy implications, such as around LGBT issues. This can all snowball quickly. It is important to learn from these episodes and figure out a quicker rapid-response.

Adam Bink :: Our (Missed) Censure and Move On Moment

Tags: , , , , , , , (All Tags)
Print Friendly View Send As Email
Thx for reading redstate, so that we don't have to! (4.00 / 1)
This shows that progressives can learn something from knowing their enemies better. But, of course, most of us don't have the stomach to wade through that crap just to pick up a pearl every now and then. Good job, Adam!

I always have to laugh (0.00 / 0)
at the way we have to look at Democrats as some fickle, touchy alien species that we may or may not be able to influence or count on at any particular time on any particular issue.

What a disgusting state of affairs.

I guess, if what's wanted is Democrat reform, then we'd need:

1. A short Contract-with-America type list of principles and policy demands.

2. For all progressives to agree to donate to, volunteer for, support, vote for, only candidates who have signed the pledge. (And never support the central Democratic party itself until it's in the hands of real progressives.)

3. Severely punish anyone who promises and reneges. There we'd have to take a pledge ourselves to work for the primary defeat of any apostate.

As for personalizing turpitude, why wasn't the Van Jones flap met at every turn with "Once Mark Sanford resigns and is expelled from the Republican party, we can talk about Van Jones." Of course unlike Sanford, Van Jones did nothing wrong. But I'd refuse to even talk about any allegedly questionable personnel on my side until the enemy was squeaky-clean himself. (Examples like that could of course be multiplied.)

Why wasn't every mention of ACORN met with: "once Blackwater is out of the corporatist government contract business, we can talk about ACORN". Now there the problem is Democrats: Obama has embraced Blackwater's crimes and made them his own. So refusing one cent of funding for such contracts, voting no on any measure which conveys dollars to such criminals, has to be part of the Contract.  

http://attempter.wordpress.com


ACORN and Blackwater (0.00 / 0)
While it's quite fair to note the sickening corruption inside Blackwater when we discuss ACORN, this doesn't do anything to undo what sure seems like systematic wretchedness inside ACORN. Let's not be hypocrites. Let's not defend corrupt organizations. I think the work of ACORN must be done and it's very important for our society, but honestly, I think it's terrible for Democrats to feel like they need to defend ACORN the organization.

[ Parent ]
The right is much better (0.00 / 0)
at picking their targets than we are.

Let's take the current health care debate as exhibit A.  Over the past week blogsphere has focused most if its fire on Joe Wilson. Is that the right target?

Here is data from the most recent Bloomberg Poll on Health Care reform:


Now I am going to mention some health groups and institutions. For each, please tell me your feelings -- are you very favorable, mostly favorable, mostly unfavorable or very unfavorable? . . ."
Health Insurance Companies
Very Favorable 11
Mostly Favorable 37
Mostly Unfavorable 34
Very Unfavorable 16  

Let we think this is an outliar, CBS found the same thing.  Health Insurance Companies have a net positive rating and only 16% view them very unfavorably

This is absolutely increadible and suggests a messging failure of enourmous proportions. To win the Health Care debate, the first thing that must be done is to show the death by spreadsheet mentality of the health insurance companies.

The truth is that when policy fights are engaged, liberals usually lose the public relations war.  I could tell the same story about the stimulus package.

We, and I don't just mean the "stupid Democrats", but everyone left of center, do not focus our efforts on the arguments that matter.  

 


If you want to really understand how the republicans have been (4.00 / 1)
functioning for a very long time you have to go back and read Lennin on Party building. The inside out side strategy and the complete party discipline. If you want to understand how to beat them that is where to start and we should be playing offense not defense. You know they took out one of our now we take out an even bigger one of theirs

I don't think we could have used a Progressive Block strategy on a motion the House GOP would happily vote for. (0.00 / 0)
Progressive Block only works when the GOP is completely disengaged and voting no on a bill that the leadership is trying to pass.  On a bill to withdraw all federal funds from ACORN, the 178 GOP Representatives are all going to vote yes, completely mooting our 63 or so Progressives.

The only way to stop a vote like that is with Leadership, and the Rules Committee.  Once leadership decides to let a vote like the MoveOn slapdown or the ACORN defunding go through, the game is over.  We could try to punish conservative and moderate Democrats who vote for it, but it is leadership that is handing them a bill designed for them to vote yes.  Our beef is with them, not with the freshmen who are voting yes as the leadership intends.


USER MENU

Open Left Campaigns

SEARCH

   

Advanced Search

QUICK HITS
STATE BLOGS
Powered by: SoapBlox