The Winners and Losers of Marriage Equality

by: Adam Bink

Tue Sep 22, 2009 at 14:45


I wrote a post a few days ago outlining some thoughts on a discussion around state strategy vs. federal strategy to winning LGBT equality. A few follow-up thoughts came from that, and I want to take a minute to outline them here.

In the post, I discussed how winning victories at the state level is necessary to winning at the federal level, and how multiple victories have been obtained at the state level. I want to give a little time to the argument that those who live in very anti-LGBT states with little or no investment in infrastructure can only find equality through the federal path, and are actually hurt by some state-focused efforts.

My friend and colleague Bil Browning, who lives in Indiana, argued here that (a) winning marriage in places like Massachusetts has actually hurt in Indiana, losing an opportunity for hate crimes and employment protections, and forcing all resources towards fighting off an amendment (b) Indiana will never get rights/protections anytime soon except through the federal path.

I don't quarrel with much of that. On the other hand, passing marriage equality in Maine, while it may renew the haters' fight in Indiana for a constitutional amendment, also energizes advocates elsewhere and sends important signals across the country. Call it conventional wisdom, but I believe a big reason New Hampshire and Maine (very narrowly) legalized marriage equality through legislation is because the Iowa Supreme Court did so unanimously on April 3. The first vote in the NH Senate on April 29 was just 13-11. A publicly hand-wringing Gov. Lynch finally signed the bill after sending it back to the legislature. On April 30th, the vote in the Maine Senate was 20-15. Gov. Baldacci went through his own period of refusing to state his position until finally signing the bill. I can't prove it, but I suspect there are legislators who, like many of my straight friends and colleagues said to me, said "well, if a place like Iowa can...". I think what happened in Iowa barely nudged the other states across the finish line.

Movement in various states, can and will eventually bring equality to other states. To their credit, Bil and the team at The Bilerico Project are even on their way to raising $5,000 for the Maine fight, even though a win may set back efforts in Indiana. One good reason for doing so is, like I argued in my previous post, that it's essential for many states to enact pro-equality measures before we have the votes at the federal level. The best measure for whether a member of Congress will vote for something like employment protections is to look at their own state. That means investing in Maine, even if it will hurt you in Indiana, is a necessary evil, especially since your path to equality is via Congress.

Marriage equality, like other issues in our movement, is a mixed bag that can vastly advance equality for many and cause a backlash for others, like Bil says it did in Indiana. The same is true of many issues the first time they hit the papers. The Dade County, FL ordinance that banned discrimination against gays and lesbians led to Anita Bryant's "Save Our Children" campaign, the success of which prompted the Briggs Initiative in California. Backlashes will happen regardless. It doesn't mean Dade County legislators never should have done the right thing. On the whole, our movement needs to advance equality in as many places as possible, not be worried about the backlash from fighting battles that need to be won. Investing in state-based approaches yields real fruit that can bring equality to other states- as Iowa did- as well as lay the groundwork for Congress to take action.

Adam Bink :: The Winners and Losers of Marriage Equality

Tags: , , , , , (All Tags)
Print Friendly View Send As Email
Congress won't take action until ten or more states have. (4.00 / 1)
It just won't.  On any comparable civil rights issue, it probably never has.  The United States Congress does not get way out in front of where even one of its fifty states has gone.

Even the SCOTUS typically does not get that far in front of where at least a couple of the states have already gone.  The SCOTUS isn't going to enshrine in precedent a legal arrangement that hasn't even been tried in any of the US states yet.  Certainly not in the near future.  There was a time when SCOTUS was more activist and would get further out in front of the states; I don't know what the state of contraceptive law was in 1965, or school integration in 1954, and it's possible that the SCOTUS was more willing then to be on the cutting edge of society than it is now.  But in this decade, we can take as a given that neither Congress nor the Supreme Court will be nationalizing anything that doesn't exist in ten or more states already.

So, statewide fights are the national fight, to a very great extent.  Once marriage is available to something like a third of the population (CA and NY and IL make this number easier to reach than you'd think), then the fight moves to the federal level.  But we're not going to win anything in Congress that we can't get through the deep blue states first.  

An argument that marriage should be left aside entirely while ENDA and similar are passed federally I would understand.  But an argument that marriage should be fought for federally instead of statewide -- if that is indeed the argument -- I just don't agree with.


Here's a time-lapse map of progress. (4.00 / 1)
LovingDay.org has a map that you can drag through time, that shows the changes in statewide interracial marriage laws.  It shows multiple generations of stasis, and then a cascade of liberalization touched off by California in 1948, and ending with Loving v Virginia 19 years later.  

A similar map for employment protections, housing protections, partnership laws, and other LGBT legislation would be extremely illuminating.  So far not one of those laws has yet been federalized, but it would be interesting to see the geographic spread of ENDA laws, for instance, and see how close we have come to the federal tipping point.


[ Parent ]
There's no timeline... (0.00 / 0)
But HRC actually does have maps of state laws on issues like hate crimes, employment discrimination, and marriage equality/civil union/DP.

Yes, Virginia, there are progressives in Nevada.

[ Parent ]
And it's really interesting! (0.00 / 0)
Here's the marriage-and-partnership map.

And here's the ENDA map.

Very roughly, I'd say that when you've turned all those yellow states on the marriage map orange, you can think about going to SCOTUS, and when you've got all those green states on the ENDA map, then you're ready to take your fight to Congress.

That's the kind of foundation I think you need to win in those venues.


[ Parent ]
Momentum (4.00 / 3)
A Maine win at the ballot box combined with a Corzine win would just about assure a marriage equality law in NJ.  It might well help in the two biggies of California and New York.  RI will probably complete the New England grouping once Carcieri is gone.

Otoh, a Maine loss will strengthen the idea than marriage equality is an automatic loser at the ballot box even in liberal states.  First California and Florida, then Maine.  It would hugely encourage Republicans to promote hate.

On a Federal level, we probably need to reach about half the population to get a court decision or law to do the job.  We are a long ways from that.


Yes, backlashes happen... (0.00 / 0)
But ultimately, we need to move more states forward if we want any type of meaningful progress on the federal level. I reject this notion that this is an "either/or game" where we can't make federal progress while working on the states and vice versa. A victory in Maine this fall will mean more marriages and a stronger case for repealing DOMA. More state-level anti-discrimination laws have helped make ENDA's passage easier.

Now don't get me wrong, I don't think we need to abandon the national march or the entire federal strategy. Bil Browning and Cleve Jones are right that places like Indiana have been left in the cold for far too long while California and Maine have dramatically jumped forward. We need more federal progress, but that doesn't mean should stop working at the state level.

Yes, Virginia, there are progressives in Nevada.


USER MENU

Open Left Campaigns

SEARCH

   

Advanced Search

QUICK HITS
STATE BLOGS
Powered by: SoapBlox