The American Left Does Not Exist - Or At Least Not In the Way It Seems

by: David Sirota

Tue Oct 06, 2009 at 09:15


These last few months have provided ample evidence that the American Left may not, in fact, really exist - at least not in the way it is billed in the media and at various progressive political conferences. There is certainly a lot of high-profile Democratic Party infrastructure around today. From Moveon to Organizing for America to the Democracy Alliance, Democratic partisans have done a good job of capitalizing on a desire out there for a real American Left - but, alas, we've been taught over and over and over again that (with the rare exception) there's a difference between parties and movements.

What are the signs that there isn't the American Left we've think there is? Obviously, the Emanuel White House shunning movement progressives from its team was a good signal - as was its reflexive firing of the few movement progressives it hired in low level positions (see Van Jones and now Yosi Sergant). The Professional Beltway Left's willingness to be corralled into the veal pen, as Jane Hamsher aptly calls it, is also a big sign that often times "progressive" organizations are all too happy to subvert movement goals for access to the perks and privileges of the D.C. cocktail party circuit. As the Wall Street Journal reported this weekend, the Professional Beltway Left is now being given orders every Tuesday by White House Deputy Chief of Staff Jim Messina - the same Jim Messina who was chief of staff to Max Baucus when Baucus helped President Bush ram through almost every one of the Republican's signature initiatives (with the exception of Social Security privatization).

But we can't just blame President Emanuel for - rather predictably - being President Emanuel. It goes much deeper than that.

What has prevented an American Left from existing is a deeper "trust" ideology among activists. Maybe it's because we are more optimistic, maybe because we want to see the good in everyone, or maybe it's because we're as innately wimpy as the Right says - but it's clear that progressives are far more willing to "trust" celebrity politicians and others perceived to have Establishment power than pressure or even question those icons. You hear this all the time - in the demands by self-proclaimed liberals for progressives to STFU and "trust" the president; in the inevitable claims that when Democrats betray their progressive promises, they are actually implementing a Super Secret Pony Plan to fulfill those promises; and most prominently, in the silences.

It is what you don't hear that, more than anything, tells you the American Left does not really exist (or is, at minimum, absolutely FUBAR). And one of those deafening silences just happened.

David Sirota :: The American Left Does Not Exist - Or At Least Not In the Way It Seems
Two weeks ago, the Massachusetts legislature did not merely make a mockery of election law by going back and forth and then back to allowing its governor to appoint Senate replacements. Gov. Deval Patrick (D) then appointed former pharmaceutical lobbyist, insurance executive and corporate lawyer Paul Kirk to fill the seat of Ted Kennedy - right in the middle of the legislative endgame on health care. Patrick passed over the three-term former governor and one-time Democratic presidential candidate Michael Dukakis to appoint Kirk - a person who has never held public office.

It was appalling to watch Kirk's appointment be publicly justified by his friendship with Kennedy - as if Senate seats are something to just be passed around to buddies. But it was telling that almost voice on the Left made a peep about what this really says about American politics and the Democratic Party.

Had Republicans filled a Senate seat with a former pharmaceutical lobbyist and insurance executive, all the groups and media institutions calling themselves "progressive" would have automatically thrown a public shit fit (and if you think they would not have, then you haven't been paying attention to politics). But because this appointment happened on the Democratic side, these same groups and media institutions were almost completely silent.

Obviously, this is one small anecdote, as Kirk is only going to be in the Senate for five months. But its a microcosm of a larger phenomenon. The two standards - freak out on Republicans when they do something awful, say nothing about Democrats when they do the same thing - is the canary in the coal mine. It tells us that The American Left largely sees itself as The Democratic Party. That is, the party is the ends, not the means.

As I've written before, a party is not a movement (and neither are cable networks, magazines or think tanks that serve only to promote a party). So when you are wondering why the Democratic Party proceeds to sell out the public option or environmental policy or anything else, you have your answer: It's because the "American Left" has made the party, not the policy, the objective. Only when that formula and outlook is reformed will we have any prayer of turning "hope" into "change."


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There is an American left. (0.00 / 0)
It's just, as you wrote, FUBAR.  It's been made subservient to the Democratic Party machine, which does nothing but take while giving nothing in return.  To be sure, there are a handful of politicians in the Democratic Party who are exceptions to the rule (Kucinich, for example).  But we progressives find ourselves either bullied into towing the party line or forced out altogether, lest our demands become too much for the higher-ups to bear - we are snidely dismissed as being ideologically "pure," as though this were somehow a bad thing.

The good news is that there are pockets of resistance.  In Vermont, Washington state, and New York, we have the Progressive Party and the Working Families Party.  And the Greens, though poorly organized and crippled by personality conflicts (which the Dems took advantage of while removing candidates from ballots), have become a means for disaffected progressives to register dissatisfaction with the status quo.

But we are losing ground, and we need to get our acts together if we're to make any real changes.



Party over principle (4.00 / 6)
It can also be found in how so many on the left still make excuses for the one who did more damage to the party's progressiveness than any other:  bill clinton.

Z


Evidence to the Contrary (4.00 / 5)
If the American Left and Democratic Party are indistinguishable, how do you explain the fact that there is much criticism of dems from the netroots, including the Great Orange Satan itself (I follow Kos on twitter. Feel free to hate me for it)? Not to mention criticism from Keynesian economists like Paul Krugman that the stimulus didn't go far enough. Hell, if we had a subservient left in this country, the public option would've been dead as soon as Obama abandoned it.

So sorry Dave, I disagree. And this is from a Working Families partisan.


Not an organized resistance (4.00 / 10)
There's piecemeal sniping, and there are the beginnings of a coherent resistance, but basically it's pretty scattered.

Rahm will only respect us after we've hurt him. To date he's been able to ignore us, and I think that that's Sirota's point.

And by Rahm, alas, I mean Obama.  


[ Parent ]
This goes back to the Public Option... (4.00 / 5)
...The Fact that there is a House Progressive Block that is actually having a spine instead of agreeing to be a doormat means that Rahm can't ignore the progressives, at least on the issue of Health Care.

Seeing Anthony Weiner--who is by all measures an ordinary wimpy democrat--come out so strong on the public option is very encouraging.

If the progressive block applied this to other issues where the public is on their side, there would be less "hope" and more "change."


[ Parent ]
Great Piece (4.00 / 11)
This is something I've been bothered by for decades. A few other things:

Movements are labor intensive, involving lots of face-to-face interaction, group time, etc. But the primary commitment of many in the American left is a rich private life, which is after all the goal of liberalism. For most, movements are just one of their free time options, and often one of the less gratifying ones. (The contrast with the hard right, motivated by moralism and a sense of duty, is striking).

Interest-group politics, cultural politics, single-issue politics, and age-group and lifestyle nicheing have fractionated the left, to the point that it's hard to get a group together at all, or even to say that there is a left. Even something simple like a potluck has become problematic.

A lot of people with strong political opinions and a considerable degree of commitment still think of politics as a specialization, something to delegate to experts who do it full time. This leads to checkbook politics, and is something that the professionalized Democratic Party, with its strong technocratic New Class streak, has encouraged for decades. The Party then becomes a nearly-autonomous interest group, and the rank and file either trust it, as you say, or feel betrayed and whine. What the rank and file needs to do is band together to take over the party.

One problem with checkbook politics is that, even if we were upper-upper middle class and writing $1000 checks, we couldn't compete with Big Ag or Big Pharma or any of a hundred other organized big-money interests.

And then we have the elitist anti-ideological, anti-populist, anti-moralistic convictions of many liberals, which is often tied to a hatred of conflict and politics as such and an academic fussiness that ends up quibbling for hours about details. And it really does seem that for many, being a good liberal is like wearing snappy shoes, one of the ways of showing that you are a finer class of person. (My slogan is, "Republican populism is fake, but Democratic elitism is real).

A lot of very smart, thoughtful people have learned political passivity. Awhile back I was a member of a volunteer non-profit educational group whose board of directors did a power grab. Most of the rank and file (mainstream middle-class and up, mostly Democrats) were very upset, but they had no idea whatsoever what to do. Rabblerousing, politicking, and making objections were foreign to their nature.

Most of the above, of course, are specifically liberal (as opposed to radical or populist) traits.

One of our few strengths is the internet. A lot of people who should know better still sneer at it, but it has broken the media monopoly. Nonetheless, we're still too dependent on the major media. If you think back only about five years, before Olbermann, there was literally no one on TV left of the center-right except for Bill Moyer, and he wasn't daily. And while Olbermann and later Maddow are a breath of fresh air and I love them, they're not perfect, or very far left, and we shouldn't rely on them either.

But on the other hand: imagine a political movement of, say five million people, each volunteering five hours a week and donating $100 a year on the average. That would be a real force, if it was coordinated. Rule one would be not to give any of that money or time directly to the Democratic Party for their leadership to dispose of. And frankly, rule two would for people to ask themselves whether their thousand mini-issues, will ever get very far in a world dominated by the hard right, the Blue Dogs, the DLC, and influence peddlers.


I agree (4.00 / 6)
But an additional problem is that liberalism and liberals have been so beaten down for so many years that there is no longer a widespread, visceral understanding of what liberalism is. A genuine, populist liberalism. I've had numerous discussions with liberals, both the activist and checkbook kind, who can't countenance strong criticism of Obama, not because they pray to him, not because they're inclined to trust pols, not because they want to be part of the Cool Crowd, but because they genuinely don't understand why Obama is falling short, or to the extent that they do understand, they don't see how this could not be so, given all "that he's up against." I do my best to explain and they think I'm being churlish or perfectionist (if not racist.) These anti-anti-Obama crowd (the majority of the party, that is) include young people for whom Obama is the only model of a Democratic president and people my age who grew being told that Sam Donaldson is a liberal (and that Michael Kinsley is a real lefty) and the sixties generation who are so tired of being disappointed that they will simply refuse to be disappointed by Obama, no matter how disappointing he is.

These people can't see how Obama might have done a better job during the health care debate given "all he's up against." The media, corporate power, racism. And besides, the votes "were never there in the Senate." It's a failure of imagination that grows out of a lack of knowledge. Even among some Obama-skeptics there is a nagging suspicion that "maybe Obama knows what he's doing." It's intellectual insecurity.

And to provide examples of how Obama might have done things differently, we have to go back to the sixties, or the thirties. That's why the contemporary examples of people like Grayson are important. But then he's not really a good example, I've been told a dozen times already, because Grayson is a "back bencher," who doesn't have to worry about governing the whole country.

 


[ Parent ]
"...(if not racist)..." (4.00 / 1)
Sometimes I think that African-Americans are put into leadership positions purely and simply in order to make it harder for me to say what I want to say.

Condoleeza Rice and Colin Powell were mostly ignored in policymaking, which was done by Rumsfeld and Cheney, but were put front and center in public appearances.


[ Parent ]
We're Seeing Some Conflicts That Haven't Existed Since the 60's! (4.00 / 3)
Really, ever since 1970, the left has been totally on the defensive. We've been trying desperately to defend and fend off right-wing attacks and attempts to roll back whatever social and political gains were made in the 60's movements: the civil rights movement, the anti-war movement, the women's movement.

Now suddenly, Democrats for the first time since Lyndon Johnson have a chance to actually advance a PROGRESSIVE agenda.

And we're not ready. There's no history of holding Democrats accountable, because for decades we were used to never getting anything we wanted, and having to focus exclusively on stopping the rampaging insane policies of war and destruction coming in endless waves from the right.

Well, when you're used to 1/4 of a loaf it's hard to convince people that 1/2 a loaf is being short-changed!


[ Parent ]
Well said, John. (4.00 / 3)
Last weekend I attended Econvergence in Portland, OR. After a session on coalition-building, I had lunch with a PDA organizer, a fellow Progressive Caucus member of the WA state Democratic Party Central Committee, a local activist, and one of the instigator/organizers of the Progressive Caucus in Kansas. The main points of discussion were accountability for Party-endorsed elected officials, building Progressive Caucuses in state Parties, and coordination/communication between these caucuses and other left organizations.

Conversations, of course, happen all of the time, but these topics recur more often nowadays in my opinion. The weekend before, at our quarterly WA Central Committee meeting, the Progressive Caucus called for a dinner get-together after a full day of caucus meetings, committee meetings, and the afternoon plenary. Out of the 160 registered Committee-persons, 58 showed up for a discussion of - again - accountability for Party-endorsed elected officials.

If you were to read the 2008 WA Party Platform, I think that you would be encouraged by its progressive nature. The process by which we created that Platform is classic democracy-in-action. The question, then, of accountability is the key concern for us here in WA.

There are 20 Progressive Caucuses in the 50 state Parties. Platforms vary in perspective from state to state. Our little lunch group will try to begin the process of communication between the existing Caucuses. We will ask PDA to research and to help to organize Progressive Caucuses within the missing 30 branches.

As to the national level that you suggest, I'm suggesting that we begin the process within the grassroots of the Democratic Party.

By the way - did I mention that I'm running for president?


[ Parent ]
Phil Ochs Said It Best! (4.00 / 6)
There was a huge split between the left and mainstream liberals in the 60's. They essentially wanted to sell out on the war, on corporatism, on a host of issues. We've largely forgotten that beltway liberals and think-tank "progressives" and other insiders are not really our friends if we want serious reform:

"Once I was young and impulsive
I wore every conceivable pin
Even went to some socialist meetings
And I learned every old union hymn!
But now I am older and wiser,
And that's why I'm turning you in!

So, love me, love me, love me!
I'm a liberal!"

--- Phil Ochs

This split did not serve us well in the 60's but at least acknowledging that there IS a left would serve to make some genuine progressive ideas more attractive to the establishment.

But, that's going to take becoming a pressure group that has essentially a hostile relationship to the beltway -- just like groups like Pat Dobson's "Focus on the Family" do on the right. They are not co-opted. They exist to discipline Republicans into enacting their views, not to sell out to them.


[ Parent ]
a center of gravity (4.00 / 3)
But on the other hand: imagine a political movement of, say five million people, each volunteering five hours a week and donating $100 a year on the average.

Just so. But as important, something that is out here in the actual world.

Corporations have lobbyists, but their center of gravity is the corporation itself. Their primary concern is making money. Their lobbyists are agents that work for them to get the political system to further their goals.

Ditto unions - they have lobbyists, but their center of gravity is (in theory) the union. They're about getting contracts and serving their members. Their lobbyists are agents for the organization.

But on the left, it seems to me that too much, our lobbyists are the organizations. The only thing that exists, the only work that gets done, are small groups of people in DC and state capitals, wrangling with politicians. And with all the best initial intentions in the world, they get pulled in to that world. Priorities get set according to the way that everyone they know looks at the world.

We need a structure, an organization, that has a purpose and an existence outside of politics, that uses politics as a tool.

(Probably, I'm just unaware of something that already exists, that fills that gap. Which would be good, but also indicate that we need to give more attention to whatever those groups are. It's not an either/or, but a need to do both kinds of work, I imagine.)

not everything worth doing is profitable. not everything profitable is worth doing.


[ Parent ]
David, can you tell us what Emanuel's long-term goals are? (4.00 / 2)
You've helped us see his Machiavellian machinations much more clearly.  But is there any "vision"--however wrong--behind all this?  Or is it simply pursuing a corporatist-funded and guided Bush Dog Democratic permanent majority for its own sake?  It would help to have a road map here.

Major political interests: torture; human rights; stopping war with Iran.

i'm not David (4.00 / 5)
But Walter Karp's rule is that the people who control a political party are primarily interested in staying in control. Second, they're interested in having their party win -- but not if it means they'll lose control, i.e., not if the party wins by bringing a lot of difficult outsiders into the party. The party leaders didn't like Jesse Jackson, they don't like Howard Dean, and you will note that they abandoned Acorn at the snap of a finger.

Emmanuel has a hard-nosed Democratic machine attitude toward politcs. He tends toward DLC for various reasons, but his ideological committments are few.  


[ Parent ]
Stop focusing on the Non-Profit Industrial Complex part of the "American Left" (4.00 / 2)
and start writing about different strands within "the left" that you somehow always manage to leave out. This whole year has been a letdown in the sense that the "left's" echo chambers online are always writing about what the right-wing puts out as frame of the week...

If "the "American Left" has made the party, not the policy, the objective", then you sir have made the "American Left ( known to many other leftists as the Non-Profit Industrial Complex), not the "movement" (which is much more diverse and exciting), the focus.

"Only when that formula and outlook is reformed will we have any prayer of turning "hope" into "change." Why? Because those you mostly seem to focus on all pretty much stuck to the party or the system the parties support.


Keeping their eyes wide closed (4.00 / 3)
Over the last couple of weeks I had an opportunity of getting together (on different occasions) with a couple of friends who are best described as south of their 50's and serious liberal activists. With one, I decried what I said was the corruption of the establishment Dems in DC and how the progressive and liberal movement has consistently been sold out to Corporate Interests. He didn't want to hear it. It couldn't be systemic corruption but he complained over and over again about their failure to "fight back" against the Republicans which he couldn't understand. I went up to my other friend, who had been a fervent Hillary supporter and said that I "was sorry I hadn't been on Hillary's side" (I supported that S.O.B. Edwards) and she, too didn't want to hear it and muttered about how terrible Obama was being treated by the wingers as if that explained everything that was going wrong with this administration. There is massive amounts of avoidance behavior going on with many on the left with regards to Obama. If we just can avoid the knife in our back and pretend it's still all the fault of the radical right, then we won't have to face up to how we really might have been the losers in the last election. The DLC won and the Liberals/Progressive lost and we better get used to it, at least until the wingers take over again.

"Sometimes I wonder whether the world is being run by smart people who are putting us on, or by imbeciles who really mean it." - Mark Twain

What's in a name? (4.00 / 3)
As strange as it seems, at least to me, I am starting to seriously think a major part of the problem is actually the lack of a common, acceptable name that all of us progressives/liberals/leftists, politicians and activists both, consistently call ourselves.  For years I found this amusing, but no more.  You can't have a movement without a name -- it contributes to problems others have cited like lack of understanding what "progressive" actually is, and the support for "celebrity" politicians of unclear views.  Conservatives in the '60s and '70s knew who they were and were proud of it, and knew which national politicians were conservatives too (e.g., Goldwater and Reagan), because they said so and agreed on a more or less clear set of required positions for being in the club.  Their politicians sometimes sold them out to some degree, but they were easier to hold accountable.

The real need is to elect a president, and as many other officials as possible, who identify as and are movement progressives themselves.  But I think a necessary first step is to start using "progressive" (my vote) consistently and pushing as many attractive politicians as possible to use it too, while finding some new ones from our ranks as well.  (Naturally, we have to call out any who aren't really, but I actually don't think that's much of a risk at this time.)

I can anticipate the objection from some that they aren't "progressives," they're liberals or leftists or whatever.  It can't matter.  If we're similar enough to agree we're part of a common movement we need a common name -- there are different shades and types of conservatives too.


what is the line/platform on progressive? (4.00 / 1)
its hard to get on the same page without a unifying vision, and that's part of the challenge to me... what values/politics make the line to which we hold ourselves accountable to?

I dont ultimately believe any of these terms will work as they have no better alternative to capitalism within their purview. Ask two "progressives" what their take on capitalism is and you might find supporters and dissenters.

____________________________________________________

I once was a capitalist, and I learned about the importance of individuality and competition. Profits and winning were my game.

I once was a socialist, and I learned about the importance of collectivity and helping my fellow man. Community building and human dignity became my aim.

today, I find the need to live a life based on much more than these 2 limited frames. I seek a politics that addresses my spiritual, community, and individual needs as well as profits and the uplifting of man. I seek "el buen vivir" (not much writing of it in English, although some folks are starting to call this 21st century socialism...)


[ Parent ]
Take your pick: (4.00 / 3)
"one nation, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all"

"that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth"

"we the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence,[1] promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity"

In its simplest form progressivism is the idea that people should have a say in those decisions which affect their lives, as opposed to having all those decisions made by the elite (whether financial, religious or social).

Montani semper liberi


[ Parent ]
i see your point (4.00 / 1)
but those great one liners a coherent ideology do not make. You could fit libertarian, conservative, radical, and liberal policy solutions within those frames.

it sounds to me you are saying what I heard Michael Moore saying recently, which is we need Democracy. Well, the Romans had Democracy, and so have a bunch of societies along the way. Democracy can be as tyrannous as any other system, depending on the guiding ideals that serve as underpinnings for that society. I mean its a system that promotes the 51% over the 49%, consensus is out of the picture (not saying thats ideal either though). In the U.S., thats neoliberal free market capitalism at the moment.

Hell, we're using democracy to keep folks from rights even to this day (and also to restore grant them)... look at marriage debates in Cali/Maine.... and people argue well if the vote plays out either way then its "right" since it was democratic....  


[ Parent ]
There Is a For-Real Left: They're just 1. younger than you 2. in the process of self-education (4.00 / 6)
David,

I'm a big fan of yours. Really. But this kind of sucks. You're like a father trying to "toughen up" his kid by calling him a pussy.

If you can't see the sudden leftward tilt of the under 30s in the last 12-16 months, you're not paying attention. I can't tell you how many people I know that went from reading Frank Rich back in 2007 to diving into Chomsky by the start of 2009. Frankly, we're the most-fucked demographic in this country at the moment. We understand corporate-capitalism better than the 30-50 year old Starbucks liberals in this country. Why? Because it's fucking us harder than it ever fucked your generation.

Kind of has a radicalizing effect. Maybe your peers are coming off as tepid Obama-worshippers, but I assure you, that's not how it is for my generation. At all. As Moore's movie pointed out, take a look at that Rasmussen poll on Capitalism vs. Socialism for the under-30 crowd (1/3 prefer capitalism, 1/3 socialism, 1/3 don't know). Had that poll been taken in 1969, I doubt "socialism' would have cracked 8-9%.

But this radicalism: It's happening right now. It really is. There hasn't been an actual "American Left" for quite some time, as most of that crowd decided to go off and fight the abortion/gun-lobby wars. So cut us some slack: we're having to start from scratch.

I'm one of those under-30 "millennials" who started campaign season as a Liberal Democrat, a progressive, and ended up--as I read more and more about just why we are where we are--as a dedicated Democratic Socialist. And I'm not some kind of anomaly. This is happening. Keep applying pressure, yeah, but don't throw up your hands in despair.


Ditto (4.00 / 4)
27 years old.  I tend to agree with most things you said here.  

[ Parent ]
I tend to agree with you on this one. (4.00 / 2)
I find myself in the same position and I know a lot of my peers do too. I'm 21 and I can tell you that the convergence of all sorts of problems has strained our generation's blind faith in capitalism. So often I hear people ask why the environmental crisis hasn't been solved, how the economy that was once the "pride of the world" could come so close to collapse, why we can't have healthcare for all. I think the realization of the more systemic problems is starting to hit our generation in a unique way. What it will spawn, I have no idea-- but I'm sure as hell going to try to fan the flames of discontent.  

Agitate.Liberate.Create.

[ Parent ]
Fully agree (4.00 / 3)
This is my story in a nutshell. Only thing I would add is that Open Left and the other great progressive blogs have helped me theorize and understand why a move leftwards was necessary for me. The "Frank Rich to Noam Chomsky" description is pretty true. People who I know, including myself, who have made this shift, are in the midst of spreading this type of knowledge to our peers. It is unorganized right now, as connor says we are in the process of self education, but I am already in the process of making a shift to organizing and public education. I hope that the young radicals my age don't get fucked over so hard by the current system that we won't be able to get together - the current state of the country and the potential of its citizens to move away from the ledge of the abyss terrifies me.  

[ Parent ]
It isn't mostly a generational thing. (4.00 / 1)
I think that there was a rightward turn in the generation following the sixties generation -- people who first voted around 1980. Succeeding groups of new voters reverted to the center. The problem was that the center itself was shifting right, not anything about what the new voters did or didn't do.

And my, sixties generation, beside often reverting to the center or right, also became discouraged and often diverted into single issues, countercultures, etc.


[ Parent ]
I hope that's true (4.00 / 3)
if so, at 39 its music to my ears. I've been wanting this since I was 19 and watched The Grapes of Wrath, and realized Tom Joad was my great-grandparents.

Let's get going already.


[ Parent ]
Agreed. There's an active and growing left... (4.00 / 3)
...but from my vantage point, it's just not terribly interested in electoral politics. And Obama's shortchanging of those who put him in office is accelerating that trend. I just got back from a huge meeting of left organizers in my metropolitan area, and they're all doing amazing work - and getting others involved in organizing for the first time.

But they harbor no illusions about the Democratic Party, or national electoral politics in general. They see their task as movement building, to mobilize average working people to both make demands on those in power and build alternative institutions that they themselves democratically control.

Join the fight to give students a real voice on campus: Forstudentpower.org.


[ Parent ]
reform (4.00 / 2)
This seems an ideal area for Nancy Brodier's system to have a HUGE impact. Her's is the best method I have ever heard of for taking power from the Democratic (and Repub) party poobahas and giving it to the people. If we really are the majority (as we like to believe), we will have the complete system in progressive hands. And a way to hold elected officials acountable. And a way of vetting cantidates with progressive issues. After all, progressive positions are the majority's preference, right? This can make the party power structure irrelevent and really install a kind of direct voting in the pre-primary, at least that is the way I understand it.

Government by organized money is just as dangerous as government by organized mob..... FDR

Progressives need a platform (4.00 / 2)
We simply need a damn link to a one or two page platform.

And we need to stand firm on a few things as much as the GOPers stand firm on so many issues.

Pro choice or find another group.

Anti war or find another damn group.

Demand health care for every human being or find another group.

Protect and defend the constitution or find another group. We should be as ferocious about the 4th as the wingnuts are about the 2nd.

No or extremely little government secrecy.

Serious specific media reform

and perhaps above all else... public campaign finance.

etc.

And we need our own party... what 80 progressives in the House now... 3 or 5 or 10 or maybe a dozen senators right now?

Finally we need to demand extreme financial transparency from our large supportive institutions... What the unity bunch did last week was unforgivable... just as much as what David describes above is unforgivable.


agreed (4.00 / 2)
See my comment above. The first step in Nancy's system is to create a list of issues we have a degree of concensus on (an evolving platform) and use it to vett cantidates. And later to pressure and hold accountable these same people, after they are elected.

Government by organized money is just as dangerous as government by organized mob..... FDR

[ Parent ]
Well, before that step is getting people into the system (4.00 / 2)
Once they're in, they are in the database, and querying the database to find statistically similar voters will be a piece of cake. You won't be making your own list of issues (policy options, in Nancy's more correct jargon), as much as you will selecting from the list of pre-determined policy options (that will span the political spectrum). Nancy has pointed out to me, recently, that a particular voting bloc can not only insist that it's members embrace a certain fraction of their policy options, but can also insist that they eschew some others. (Perhaps most policy options, for most voting blocs, will be both optional and non-prohibitive, though.)

From recent discussions I've had with Nancy, she is open to allowing selections of variations of more basic policy options. I think that's very good news in terms of forging a consensus between similar voting blocs. I reproduce this argument, at the end of this post.

Nancy is hard at work on writing a somewhat high-level manual for how progressive groups can use IVCS to place their candidates into office. (IMO, ultimately, it will most empower populist groups, not progressive groups, per se.) She had asked the OpenLeft community for help in creating documentation, but I'm the only one who has responded, so far, at any level. (So far, just criticizing after the fact. I'm thinking of writing a scenario which would show how IVCS could be used to first saturate a couple of voting districts with IVCS adopters, and then continuing on to installing 'friendly' politicians into office. Actually, the processes will overlap, but clearly unless you get people into the system in large enough numbers, there is no value-added to IVCS. So in this sense, you need to start getting people into the system, first.)

I'm very glad to read connor's post, above. I've previously mentioned on OpenLeft that I expect unions and politically oriented church groups to be the most important early adopters, group-wise. However, I've since mentioned to Nancy, privately, that young people - say 18 - 25 - might exceed both groups in early adoption. Not only because of prior familiarity with Facebook and other electronic social networking applications, but also because they are getting the shortest end of the economic stick - some with $100,000 educational loans hanging over them, no less.

============================
Nancy:

* " Since the system also provides a voting utility, as network members increase their numbers and form voting blocs, coalitions and parties, they can build consensus among ever larger numbers of members by voting on their policy priorities and action plans. "

My criticism:

This needs to be spelled out. (Well, at least for my benefit. :-) )   I'm not sure what sort of vote, exactly, you are referring to.

Let's say you have a voting bloc, that has 3 must-support policy options, 3 must-not-support policy options, and were statistically similar on 12 other policy options.

Even if the leader of a voting bloc wanted the voting bloc members to vote for a change in some of their 12 'other' policy options, so that they might more closely approximate another voting bloc, and thus merge with it, it's hard to believe that people would be so fickle. Such a vote would be like asking them to pretend that they believe in something, when they don't.

This is probably even more the case for the 3 must-support and the 3 must-not-support policy options.

Now, if the point of "growing consensus" it to form a larger voting bloc, it seems to me that the sort of vote needed is one in which the voting bloc changes the STATUS of their 'must-support' and 'must-not-support' policy options.  As per our conversation, yesterday, when you spoke of allowing variations of policy options, one way to grow consensus is to switch the STATUS of a 'must-support' policy option from a less popular variation, to a more popular variation.

So, let's say we have a voting bloc that has a policy option #1 called 'End the Bank/Wall Street Oligarchy". Such a policy option would involve cutting banks down to size..

In descending order from extreme variation to mild variation of this policy option, this could translate to:
A) Liquidate these banks
B) Break up these banks into "not to big to fail" size
C) Apply a surtax on these particular banks, steadily increasing the tax until they shrink sufficiently due to their lowered profitability.  ("Soak the rich banks", you might call this).

If my voting bloc currently insists on  the A) version of Option #1, and your voting bloc currently embraces the B) version of Option #1, it's probably an easier sell to just get my voting bloc to support the B) version. Instead of getting individual members to change their heartfelt, prior selections ( #1-A, #1-B, #1-C), I simply ask one bloc or the other to vote on changing which variation will have 'must-support' STATUS. Both voting blocs will, at the end of the day, still insist on the 'End the Bank/Wall Street Oligarchy" Option #1, as a "must-support" policy option, but we now have enough similarity, as a bloc, that we can merge.

(Another possible scenario is that both voting blocs switch their 'must-support' STATUS selection. So, we could have my bloc switch from 1-A -> 1-B, while your voting bloc switches from 1-C -> 1-B.)

So, to sum up, I understand how a vote to change the status of a policy option's variation STATUS can lead to consensus. But I don't understand how it's practical to ask people to change their already-selected policy options. It will be natural to resist any such entreaties.



435 Dem Primaries 2012
Coffee Party Usa
TheRealNews.Com


[ Parent ]
Clarification (4.00 / 1)
Vote bloc groups will be able, at least where appropriate, to add some of their own policy options to help define themselves. If the Day 1 implementation of IVCS allows for variations of individual policy options, my guess is that it's likely that for most voting blocs, there will not be much motivation for adding more policy options to the standard set.

But that remains to be seen.

435 Dem Primaries 2012
Coffee Party Usa
TheRealNews.Com


[ Parent ]
See my entry about a platform. (0.00 / 0)
You can read the more recent version of it here.  It's still a work in progress, but it's a start, something we can build on and run with.



[ Parent ]
There are 2, interconnected reasons for our weak Left (4.00 / 3)
1)  The virtual absence of class-consciousness and class-based analysis or discussion in education, work, public life, or really anywhere in American life.  To the extent that class is recognized, it's been utterly coopted by reactionary forces.

2)  The scarcity of Left institutions that can build grassroots power separate from political institutions.  Examples of such institutions have been the black church (civil rights era), women's rights organizations (suffrage era), and unions (many eras, but especially relevant during the New Deal).  On the right, there have been mega-churches, the KKK, and various civic organizations and clubs.

It's not surprising that left and vaguely-left Americans will (a) experience some personal, ideological drift, and (b) want to latch onto available, powerful institutions (even if they're not really Left) when there's so little living, Left ideology and so few Left institutions.


There is no genuine "Left" in the US, only Center Left (4.00 / 1)
Read Noam Chomsky, for example, and you will realize that the Left doesn't exist in the US. There is no longer a Socialist Party in the US the way there was. Remember Norman Thomas? FDR adopted some policies he espoused.

The US has forgotten what the real Left is about. Why? Because of a concerted effort by the Right to move the Overton window to the right, with the result that the Left is excluded from the political universe of discourse in the US. The Left has been effectively marginalized.

The debate in US politics now is between the Extreme Right (GOP), the Right (Blue Dogs), the Center Right (Obama Administration and Establishment Dems aka Rahm Dems) and the Center Left (Progressives). There are only a few left of center left, like Dennis Kucinich. There are plenty of leftists, however, e.g., Green Party, Progressive Party, etc, but they are out of the loop of political discourse.

So stop talking about the US Left if you are going to confuse it with Center Left. The US Left won't be taken seriously until we start taking it seriously and move the Overton window leftward. The Right did it. So can the Left.


And i see this statement now so clearly... (4.00 / 1)
"It tells us that The American Left largely sees itself as The Democratic Party. That is, the party is the ends, not the means."/blockquote>

I'm no political guru by any stretch, but as I read so many post comments, I see so many content with just knowing they aren't the crazy republican party or in any way conservative even so they're done, they voted. So I've thought to myself, okay that's all well and good, but what does that MEAN?  This should just be the beginning. Where does it tell you to push/pressure/initiate the policies the LEFT believes. Why is the left so afraid to point out the crap, yes, CRAP because toodled out today that isn't ANY different than Bush? I'm sorry, but Obama's 'purer' character as a reason to celebrate doesn't help any more poor people!

Secondly, other support for this statement comes in the form of constant reaction to right-wing points. The media loves this! They want us busy with attacking back to they illicit all types of drama (not that we shouldn't know what the right is trying to sneak in the deals through the back door) instead of calling out the crap from our guys while they're in power so we have different policies. It's like the goal for so many sights is to hate the right right back; tell them how crazy they are! Frankly, I'm wondering how crazy WE are for not calling out the bunk on the left. It's obvious the media is NOT going to do it. They prefer to keep the cat fight going. Of course, Congress is happy as a clam because they're off the hook for producing anything decent. I'm just done with it. When I write comments on where the outrage for the LEFT is on more debt, lack of jobs, no health care, it feels like i get the 'deer-in-the-headlight' look from them. The silence is deafening.  



One of these days... (4.00 / 1)
I'll learn how to correctly use this 'blockquote' thingy!

[ Parent ]
Kirk not the best example (4.00 / 1)
I sort of agree with your basic premise, but I don't think the Kirk appointment is really a great example to prove it.

Here in MA the progressives had a bit of a debate about whether or not Kirk was a good choice, mostly on Blue Mass Group that I'm aware of.  There were definitely those who didn't like Kirk and would have preferred Dukakis, Ogletree, or someone else.  But there were others (and I gradually came to join this camp) who were ok with the Kirk appointment, because what we were looking for was a caretaker who could a) do constituent service for a few months; b) give other Senators good, reliable information about health care reform; and c) would vote the right way on health care.  There are no sure things in life, but at least in my view, Kirk meets all these criteria, and Dukakis or Ogletree, despite all their many qualifications, do not.

It's fine to disagree with this reasoning, and I can certainly understand the viewpoint of those who disagree.  However, at least with regards to the Kirk appointment, I don't think the MA progressives just rolled over and applauded Patrick's decision.

With regards to the interim appointment bill itself: I do think it was a bit of a disappointment that the bill allows the appointee to run for the seat.  Some state legislatures thought that it might be unconstitutional to limit the appointee from running for the Senate seat.  I don't think so, and Kerry argued that it wouldn't be in his testimony for the bill, but let's just say there was some doubt.  Nor do I think it was "bad-faith" doubt, though who really knows.  Suffice it to say that given the time-sensitive nature of the debate, it would have been a little dicey to pass a bill that might well have ended up mired in constitutional controversy.  While I don't think the legislature should have allowed the appointee to run in the special election, I think it genuinely was an attempt to deliver a 60th vote in the cleanest way possible.  Hopefully they will clean up the law, and even submit it to a constitutional challenge, once we have a real Senator in January.

Anyway, that's just my view from the ground on this particular story.  You're certainly right that in general, there are large swaths of the progressive movement which are far too enamored, and not critical enough, of leadership.


American Left (4.00 / 1)
I think that you may be right we trust too much in those that tell us they are liberal.  My late mother had a saying "actions speak louder than words"  

If these we have voted in for change cannot find it within themselves to represent us and our beliefs, then I am lost!!  I don't know where to go and this brings me to just opting out.  Live the years I have left from the ways I believe and let go of the idea than America is more than it really is "Actions speak louder than words"!!!!


If the left is FUBAR, why bother? (4.00 / 1)
This is a semantic point--if we have sunk to the level of fubar then there is no hope.  Things don't look too good right now, but there must be hope.  I recommend FUVB.  I think you can figure that out.

As for the left, my husband attended a reunion of one of the saner sectarian groups from the 70's.  Members industrialized just in time for industry to start going belly up.  Anyway, a few no longer call themselves socialists, but all are committed to a strong labor movement and social and economic justice.

The one member who now sells real estate and claims to be out of politics all together, spoke up about the influence of the netroots.  Open Left and David Sirota were mentioned by name.  This was in response to despair over the right wing bloviator machine.  These 60 somethings had no idea there was a left presence on line.

We all know that the attacks on ACORN are the result of its success as an advocate for poor people.  If Richard Trumpka holds true to his roots, the AFL-CIO will be a militant force for moving the discussion to the left.  CTW, not so much.

The choice is between civil society and barbarism.  Given that, a left wing movement is critical.  

Sirota's right, it's not the party, it's the movement.


I live in a true blue state--I will have a choice in November


Hope is an illusion, a cheat. (0.00 / 0)
It's an excuse to let go all control over your life and what happens to you in it.  Remove hope and you have two options: live or die - or, to be more specific to the topic at hand, be a doer or be a dreamer.  When you let go of hope, you free yourself.  Hope wastes energy that is best spent fighting like hell.  Hope is merely a nice-sounding way of accepting the lie that the things you can change you cannot change.  Let go of it, and embrace righteous outrage, the kind that drives you to go out and do something about the things that piss you off.



[ Parent ]
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