Five Organizing Questions on the Opt-Out Public Option

by: Adam Bink

Tue Oct 27, 2009 at 13:30


Following Chris' five process questions yesterday on the news that Reid will include an opt-out public option in the merged bill, I have five organizing questions of my own that I think are critical to making sure this bill is a success. As he wrote, a lot about the opt-out structure remains unclear, and I think the devil is in the details. These should serve as possible targets for amendments during the floor fight.

1. The date in which this starts. Availability of the public option is due to start in 2013. I see this as some bad and some good. On the bad side, there is limited help for people who need it now. It's also not clear to me that the bill itself gives Democrats a lot to work with in the midterm elections in terms to being able to demonstrate how health care is more affordable in November 2010. On the good side, things are going to get worse before they get better, so the "help is on the way" argument is useful, but not terribly compelling. Our side needs to make sure the date is as early as possible.

2. The timeline of opt-out. It is imperative that we push for states only being able to opt-out after the public option starts. People need to try this first before their state makes a decision. If there is no tangible benefit for people who need it, there will be no push to keep one's state from opting out.

And strategically, I prefer to only allow states to opt-out after their fellow residents have suffered under four more years of things getting either somewhat better or dramatically worse. The date in which states can opt out should be as late as possible. Let's dare the teabaggers and conservative legislators to look in the face of those who are getting screwed by insurance companies and tell them they aren't going to try something to help.

3. The ability to opt back in. Perhaps even more important is allowing states the ability to opt back in if results of the public option in other states show that others like it, and that it has improved the situation dramatically. For policy, political and moral reasons, we cannot permanently leave states on the outside looking in.

To some degree, I say this may be even more important than the start date of the public option, because if things are going to get worse before they get better, there may be a clamoring in current "red" states for opting back in, even if a state opted out the first day it could. I am also concerned about the success of the program if lots of states, including places like Florida and Texas, opt out, leaving a smaller pool of people participating. Political situations in states also change- we could see a surge of progressives elected in states that opted out, some running on the platform of doing something on health care. They need to have the ability to opt back in.

4. The manner in which states can opt out. What I've heard so far is that this will be by regular legislative action and gubernatorial signature. What about a requirement for a 2/3 vote in the legislature? What about the ability to put, or not put, the issue on the ballot? This may all be moot if Congress doesn't want to "interfere" in states' rights of passing legislation or whatever, and could mess up the whole fragile package of support in the Senate, but it's worth thinking about. We should try and dictate the manner in which states can opt out as much as possible and set up as many roadblocks as possible.

5. Organizing against opting-out. One of the real disappointments I have with the opt-out is that it means we're going to be now taking the fight to the state level on a number of fronts to ensure states don't opt-out. Lobbying, public pressure, whip counts. Some of you might see this as great fun, but I see it as more expenditure of resources that should be going towards other important fights coming up. This is all in the future, but we should start thinking now about the structure of such campaigns and the role the netroots can take in them. We should also start thinking about the current fight and what we could do better. The fight to keep states from opting out could start as early as next year. Or it could be happening in 2013. Our own self-examination now may help us think about what kind of policy amendments we should be focusing on to make sure we are prepared to fight these battles.

Adam Bink :: Five Organizing Questions on the Opt-Out Public Option

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Definitely! (0.00 / 0)
We should try and dictate the manner in which states can opt out as much as possible and set up as many roadblocks as possible.

Agree completely. Not only will such a tactic offer the satisfaction of turning the "unpullable trigger" scam back on the conservatives, but if done well will also mitigate the work needed on point #5 because it may force the opposition into the position of having to organize to promote opting out.  

"It sounds wrong...
     ...but its right."


I agree with all points except #5 (0.00 / 0)
I don't see how state-level organizing is an "expenditure of resources that should be going towards" more important battles. Opt-outs as an item on the political agenda will draw a lot of public attention that should redound to liberal organizations more broadly while increasing voter turnout, which tends to favor liberal candidates in general.  

Moreover, as the health-care debate illustrates, state-level officials enjoy considerable influence if not direct oversight over the implementation of federal policy, congressional redistricting, the content of the federal legislative agenda, etc.  

Like the conservative movement in the 1970s and 80s, it's critical for liberals to see state and federal political organizing as complimentary rather than opposed.    


Coupla things (0.00 / 0)
It will take a lot of investment- financial, for example- put in to make sure states, especially big states, don't opt out. The whole thing can't just be run on public attention from the grassroots. And I'm not sure about whether opt-outs as an agenda item will increase voter turnout, nor am I sure it will be favorable to us. The places we're talking about seeing opt-outs are some pretty hardcore conservative states. This is still a lot of unknown territory.

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[ Parent ]
No doubt resources would be required (0.00 / 0)
My disagreement with point #5 obviously relates to the previous points, e.g., how do states opt-out, can they opt back in, etc. But given the financial stakes, I think we can agree that an effective public option would instantly become the most important issue in states that are thinking about opting out.  

I have yet to see a poll of any state with a population over 10 million that doesn't support the public option - imagine what the poll numbers would be if it actually works?  I really don't see what liberals have to lose by embracing effective, demand-sided reform.  While it's impossible to predict what would happen, I tend to think that shrewd GOP legislators in states like Florida might well end up capitulating rather than risking a fight over a popular entitlement and a potentially transformative threat to their power.                                        

Certainly this all costs money, but the debate over where it should be spent raises questions similar to those of the Dean versus Kaine philosophy of party organizing.  And I have a very strong preference for the former.      


[ Parent ]
Open the public option to everyone (4.00 / 3)
We should support Wyden's effort to open the public option (and the exchanges) to everyone.  Without that, we've been fighting for something that will be eligible to only 10% of the population, and will not have any impact on the basic structure of the employer-based system.  

If forced to choose, I'd much rather have 100% of citizens living in "opt-in" states able to purchase their insurance directly from the PO than 10% of all American citizens.  The first group numbers at least 200 million, the second only 30 million.  Better to have everyone everywhere eligible, of course, but much of our fire should be directed at the barriers restricting the PO to the unemployed, self-employed, and tiny businesses.


absolutely (4.00 / 1)
i don't think people understand this yet. which unfortunately makes it a difficult fight. but it's something we have to keep hammering on.

are there any counterparts in the House to push this? too early to know, i suppose.

not everything worth doing is profitable. not everything profitable is worth doing.


[ Parent ]
Opt-IN is not dead (0.00 / 0)
Buried in the Chuck Todd WH-Reid story is this:

That said, I've also been told, OK right now it's this 'opt-out,' the compromise could end up being the 'opt-in' and maybe this is what Reid was doing here--going with the 'opt-out' so the 'opt-in' was the compromise rather than the trigger being the compromise."

Lieberman is already out threatening to filibuster the opt out compromise. Lincoln still won't say. This fight's not over by a long shot.

"The White House obviously has a loser mentality - but America rallies around winners."


That would be a disaster (4.00 / 1)
Opt-in is like a trigger without a firing pin.

"It sounds wrong...
     ...but its right."


[ Parent ]
Keep in mind (4.00 / 1)
That we're very likely to be outgunned on the state level in many of these states. The virtue of doing this fight at the national level is an economy of scale - you can have ONE fight at the highest profile legislature in the nation, where everyone unites to mobilize millions to pressure the same 10-20 people.

When you have to go state by state, however, you don't get that. Instead you have fewer resources, less attention (it is pulling teeth to get people to care about state issues, even when it is exactly the same subject as a national issue), and the opposition's financial advantages are that much more significant.


Yep (0.00 / 0)
I have the same concern, thus #5 and my dislike of the opt-out.

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[ Parent ]
I don't prefer an opt-out (0.00 / 0)
and your point about contesting big issues on a state-by-state versus federal level is certainly valid in general.  But I don't know that there's any issue that offers a real precedent for opt-outs in terms of the number of people that would be affected.    

Of course, it's impossible to predict what would happen. I do tend to think that there would be big opportunities for effective progressive organizing at the state level, and the DNC would be forced to subsidize it, which could translate into a less ruthlessly centralized party power structure.      


[ Parent ]
Radio (0.00 / 0)
By the way, I'll be on Live on the Left Coast tonight if anyone wants to listen in. 9:30-10 PM EST.

Streaming here.

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good questions (4.00 / 1)
re #1 - i remember National Speech-Maker Obama mentioning some kind of low-cost catastrophic insurance that would be available immediately. has anyone heard any details about this? or is it not part of the bill, just something they promise to get around to real soon now?

about opting out and in - is there a limit to the number of times a state can do this? or could we end up with, say, Virginia or California going out then in then out then in depending on who won the last election?

if the program starts before they can opt out, what happens to the people who signed up? do they lose their insurance?

what are the residency requirements for a person? are you limited to the state where your primary residence is? or can you open a PO Box in New York and get health insurance?

isn't it real likely that someone in an opted-out state will sue, claiming this violates their civil rights? equal protection, one country, all that? though i suppose that's moot as these Supremes just wouldn't take the case.

are residents of an opted-out state are still subject to the mandate to buy insurance?

i'd like to see people in opted-out states start mailing copies of their insurance bills and medical bills to the White House...

not everything worth doing is profitable. not everything profitable is worth doing.


I would suggest (0.00 / 0)
that the opt-out be run more like a program that is conditional on the behavior of the insurance industry in those states wanting to use it.

In other words, set up a number of regulations and expectations for the insurance industry.  (We're making the rules, so what would you like to see, here?)  Any state whose insurance industry is in compliance with those regulations may request to join the opt-out.  By joining the opt-out, the state may grant the insurance industry exclusive* coverage for the residents of that state.  Each year thereafter, we look to see if the state's insurance industry is still in compliance.  If not, it can no longer participate in the opt-out and all the government insurance programs are brought back into the state.  States may also voluntarily remove themselves from the opt-out at any time.

This is not my first choice (that would be removing the opt-out from the bill entirely), but if there's going to be an opt-out, then I want to make sure it functions like an opt-in program so we don't set some horrible precedent that comes back to bite us in the future.

* Meaning no government-run insurance plans, including Medicare/Medicaid.  They keep crying "socialism!"  Let's see if they can walk the walk.  All in or all out, I say.  Watch 'em squirm.

Health insurance is not health care.
If you don't fight, you can't win.
Never give up. Never Surrender.
Watch out for flying kabuki.


Let them try opting out of <i>Medicare</i>.... (0.00 / 0)
Meaning no government-run insurance plans, including Medicare/Medicaid.  They keep crying "socialism!"  Let's see if they can walk the walk.  All in or all out, I say.  Watch 'em squirm.

Now there's an idea!  Either there would never even be a vote on opt-out, or if there was, we could use it to vitiate the re-election prospects of whatever wingnuts voted for it, even in places like Mississippi, Utah, and Alaska.

Even without including Medicare, I suspect opt-out is potentially a minefield for Repug legislators -- the public option is supported by a solid majority of the population, and when they can see it working to lower costs in neighboring states, that majority will get bigger.  Republicans can pursue opt-out at their peril.

"A fantasy is not even a wish, much less an act.  There is no such thing as a culpable or shameful fantasy."  -----Lady Sally McGee


[ Parent ]
The public option is a lot, but it's not everything. (4.00 / 1)
I would think the following approximately tie in importance with "when does it start" for #1:

1. The generosity of subsidies. Forcing people to buy insurance they can ill afford (even if they have the public option!) is a Bad Thing.

1. Employer mandate, or Baucus's horrible free rider provision?

1. 50 state-level exchanges, or one national exchange? (Wyden)

1. Exchanges and thereby the public option open to everyone, or only to the uninsured? (Wyden again)

While not insignificant, I think the precise mechanics of how the opt-out functions are not as important as these.

And taking the wider and longer view to the House and reconciled bills, the final form of the public option is obviously very important. Personally, I think one based on Medicare rates with opt-out is the very best we can hope for (which of course means we have to start negotiating from something stronger), being clearly superior to a negotiated rates plan without opt-out in terms of policy and probably politics as well, but that's just my opinion.

(And because I'm a dirty, smelly technocrat, I also think the IMAC and Baucus's excise tax are important, but let's leave that for another day.)


More of a process question, but can someone tell me (0.00 / 0)
which votes did we secure with an opt-out, that we would not have had without an opt-out?

Organizing against opting-out (0.00 / 0)
Shouldn't this be organizing for state level single payer? Regardless of whether you prefer single payer or state opt in, it would be foolish to take single payer off the table again, thereby again ensuring that we begin negotiating as close to our opponents as possible knowing that they will not budge.  

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A state can pass PO opt-out AND single-payer (0.00 / 0)
I don't know how likely this is, though on one level it makes sense - if a state has single-payer it doesn't need a PO.

I think if there's an actual chance to pass single-payer in a given state, liberals should go all out for it, and let the conservatives try to pass some silly opt-out.  If both pass the single-payer will override the lack of PO.  Of course the worst case scenario is that single-payer fails while opt-out passes but a state that would pass opt-out would probably never go for single-payer anyway.


[ Parent ]





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