Darcy Burner discusses what's behind DeFazio's remarks that Geithner & Summers should go

by: Paul Rosenberg

Sat Nov 21, 2009 at 10:00


On Wednesday, Chris wrote a quick hit on Representative DeFazio's statement that there was "growing consensus" among Congressional liberals that Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner should step down.  He went on to say that Summers should go as well. Folks in the blogosphere have been saying as much for a long time now, but this seemed like something new, coming from a veteran Representative.  The piece Chris linked to ended with DeFazio saying, ""We may have to sacrifice just two more jobs to get millions back for Americans," underscoring that it was not just a general criticism of Geithner and Summers, but one closely tied to the need for shifting from a Wall Street-centered economic policy to a Main Street-centered one. So I followed up by talking with Darcy Burner, Executive Director of the American Progressive Caucus Policy Foundation, to see what it might mean.

Open Left: On MSNBC Rep. Peter DeFazio (D-Ore.) said Wednesday that he and other liberal House members are becoming increasingly tired of the Obama administration economic policies that are too focused on maintaining the stability and health of Wall Street firms and largely ignore Main Street. There's been significant criticism of Geithner and Summers in the blogosphere since their appointments were first announced, and significant criticism of their policies as well. There's been scattered and occasional congressional criticism before, but this sounds like it's a good deal more serious.  Is it?  And if so, why is it different and why now?  Let's take those one at a time.

Is it different?

Darcy Burner: My best guess is that it is more serious.  Now the Progressive Caucus has not taken an official position.  Congressman DeFazio was speaking on his own behalf, quite eloquently, I thought.  I particularly liked the line about "losing two jobs to save millions." But I think that the indications are that there is growing dissatisfaction among the members of Congress who very much want to see a set of economic policies that are going to help main street, rather than just Wall Street.  And a jobless recovering isn't particularly progressive approach to how we solve the economic crisis that we're in.  

Now, it is the case, obviously, that we have some progressives who've been very active, particularly in the financial reform aspect, if you look at Alan Grayson, for instance.  He is a member of the Progressive Caucus, he's been extraordinarily involved in asking the tough questions, and encouraging his fellow members on the Financial Services Committee to ask some really tough questions at the hearings they've held, about the Federal Reserve, about the banking system, about the banks, about some of the Wall Street shenanigans.

So there has been growing pressure from members of Congress. And, you know, we're seeing some traction around the idea of auditing the Fed, and finding out what's really going on there.

So I don't think it's particularly surprising that there would be an expression of real dissatisfaction with the Administration's economic policies and the economic advisors from progressives in Congress.

Paul Rosenberg :: Darcy Burner discusses what's behind DeFazio's remarks that Geithner & Summers should go
Open Left: As to why now, is there any one factor, such as unemployment hitting double digits, or do you think it's just a combination of things?

Darcy Burner: My educated guess is that it's a combination of things.  Unemployment hitting double-digits is certainly a factor, the upcoming financial reform legislation, which has been watered down and watered down, and watered down again to the point where there are legitimate criticisms that it probably institutionalizes some of the worst abuses, rather than fixing them, the introduction by Congressman Conyers of a bill to restore Glass-Steagall, the ongoing discussion of the [Elizabeth] Warren Commission about what's broken in the way that this set of economic advisors has approached stabilizing the financial sector.  All of those have been building and building and building, to the point that at some point we were going to hit a tipping point, and we may be just about there.

Open Left: The thing that always gets asked by insider journalists, and I hate to be like that, but to the extent it can shed some light on something people outside the Beltway always have to wonder--Is this just a trial balloon?  Or can we expect more congressmembers to speak out in the next several days?  Should people expect that? Or not be disappointed if that doesn't happen? What's your sense of how our audience should see it?

Darcy Burner: Well, I think it's certainly a call to take a hard look at what's going on in Congress at what progressives both inside and outside of Congress should be working on.  One thing I was thinking about was that you should-I know that Congressman Grijalva made a statement at some point today, to a member of the traditional press about Congressman DeFazio's statement.  I don't know exactly what was in his statement, but probably worth setting it up so that you can talk to him directly and either get a statement form hi press person to figure out what Congressman Grijalva is saying, because as one of the co-chairs of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, it's entirely possible that he'll be driving something. [Editor's note: We're following up on this.]

Now it's worth noting that Congressman Frank is also a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus. SO there are interesting dynamics at play.

Open Left: Is there anything you can tell us about discussions going on about the need to change direction.  You've mention these things before, and how they're converging in terms of pressure, is there something more that's going on that without breaking confidences that you can tell us might be about to surface?

Darcy Burner: There has been consistent discussion among the progressive members that I talk to on a regular basis, including Congressman Grijalva of the need for progressives to be very actively engaged in the discussions about the economy, and what we do relative to the economy, both in terms of financial sector reforms and in terms of a potential upcoming jobs bill, and the set of policies around that.

To a large extent, it was we get past health care, we're going to take a breath for just a second, and 'All right now, we need to deal with the economy.'

But it has been, I think, assumed that the next big fight they would pick would be around making the economy work for most Americans rather than just multi-millionaire investment bankers.

Open Left: On the subject of a jobs bill, something else I've been working on ever singe since the Stimulus fight is the inadequate funding of the states for the shortfalls for their budgets, because it's a dollar-for-taking away from public sector spending, and that's a lot of jobs, particularly in education and health care, construction.  Every time the states have to cut their budgets, fiscally it's really no different than if the federal government was cutting spending.  So is that a topic that people have been discussing?

Darcy Burner: I know that it's a topic that's being discussed in DC.  I've attending a number of the briefings and think-tank events that people have been talking about the various ways, different progressive approaches to fixing the economy.  And certainly dealing with state and municipal spending, and trying to deal with their budget shortfalls has come up repeatedly as one of the issues that needs to be addressed. I don't know how engaged the members of Congress are in that discussion.  And at the moment I think it is pretty clear that it will be one of the things that will be on the table to be discussed, in figuring out how to create jobs in actually meaningful ways to fix the economy.

Open Left: Is there anything that activists or ordinary citizens can do to contribute to changing direction on economic issues that you would recommend?

Darcy Burner: I think that there are two related but not identical efforts that are going on.  One is what do you do about financial sector reform, and the second is what do you do about a jobs package and economic policies more broadly than just financial sector reform. There are opportunities to get engaged in both.

Some of the work that the Warren Commission has done in financial sector oversight and the TARP program is surprisingly readable, and I think that applying some pressure to Congress very broadly to take the recommendations of the Warren Commission seriously would be frankly really helpful.

From my personal perspective, if I were going to chose one thing that I would ask people to focus on-and this is me, speaking as me-in the next few weeks, it would be get a basic handle on that part of the recommendations to push forward, they have the potential to have a big impact.

The other thing is I  think there is an opportunity to do some interesting policy work around how you create jobs, that the Progressive Congressional Caucus, and progressives in general are much more open than most of Congress to some inside-outside approaches to figuring out what the best policies are.

Were starting to have some active discussions about what might make sense, would I think be really constructive.  I mean, does it make sense to approach-if there is going to be a jobs bill--does it make sense to create some WPA-like program?  And if so, what does it look like, and who are the experts? And what do the numbers look like on that?  Does it make sense-as you said--to focus on state and municipal spending? What are the numbers there?  Who are the experts?  Are there other things they should be looking at? In terms of creative ways to leverage federal dollars into jobs and economic growth in the country?

I think that now would be a really good moment for the progressive community to do some of the really creative thinking, which I think the movement is frankly pretty good at when it tries.

Open Left: Switching gears a bit, to a more negative sign that's come up, Obama was also just quoted saying that if we didn't cut spending, it could lead to a double-dip recession. There was a direct quote on this--""I think it is important though to recognize that if we keep on adding to the debt, even in the midst of this recovery, that at some point, people could lose confidence in the US economy in a way that could actually lead to a double-dip recession."  But that totally confuses short-term and long-term consequences, and in fact cutting back on spending before the recovery is accomplished is most likely to cause a double-dip recession, similar to what happened when FDR tried to balance the budget in 1937.  Are congressional Democrats worried about that sort of thinking as well?  Is that even on people's radar yet?

Darcy Burner: Based on the conversations that I have had, progressives understand the problem It's not the progressives issue here. Not to be cynical, but it's fascinating to me that spending doesn't count when it's war spending. But does if we're actually helping people keep their houses for certain factions of the party.

I would argue that spending on the creation of the US infrastructure, that people keep their houses so that it's stabilized the underlying security on which the financial crisis was founded... Even the cash-for-clunkers program had significant positive impact in a Main Street sort of way. But we don't blink an eye at dropping $700 billion on TARP.

Open Left: I always like to end by asking a person I interview what's the most important question I didn't ask that I should have, and what's the answer to it.  It just a way that, often something pops into your head that doesn't get expressed because you're already saying something more responsive.  So I always like to give a chance for someone to reflect and say something about something that they wanted to address that didn't get asked about directly.

Darcy Burner: There's something that I'd actually like to emphasize, which is that in the fight over heath care reform, we saw for maybe the first time, the outside progressive movement and progressives in Congress  align around a set of ideas and principles, and move the legislation substantially to the left of where it would have been otherwise.

Nobody will claim that the House Bill was perfectly progressive or everything they want, but it is a much more progressive bill than the progressives on the Hill could have gotten without the help of the movement.

That alignment between the inside and the outside and recognizing that the whole is very much greater than the sum of its parts, in the case of the movement and Congressional progressives actively working together on policymaking, applies equally well to fights around the economy.

If we want progressive policy enacted, then the Congressional Progressive Caucus and its members are our champions, and we're the leverage that they bring to bear that gives them a real competitive advantage over the Blue Dogs and the New Dems.

Open Left: Since you brought that up, there's still this lingering fight that comes up with some people who are advocates of single payer-and I am a longtime single-payer advocate myself, though I don't take this position-but some single-payer advocates take the position that single-payer has been sold out because people were fighting for the public option, in a way that they weren't fighting for single-payer.  I'd like you to speak to that.

Darcy Burner: I think we're addressing tht pretty directly.  It might be worth you dairying about it separately at some point.

Open Left: I do have something written for this weekend, but I wanted to let you address it yourself, since you mentioned working together.  And I do see what you were saying, that the result we have is much more progressive than seemed possible coming out of August.  Things did not look headed in a very progressive direction at all at that time.

Darcy Burner: Exactly.  I have several drafts of several angry diaries that I have not posted for obvious reasons.  The deal is that governing and policy-making, unlike electoral politics, isn't something where you win it all or lose it all at a single moment in time. It's a [question of] where do you fall on the spectrum, more progressive, less progressive, and trying to figure out within the constraints in which you're operating, how to maximize the progressiveness of the result that you get.  And it's perfectly fine to disagree on strategy, I think that having active discussions about what works, what doesn't work, what we might try next time, I think that that's really healthy and constructive.  

I, on the campaign trial was pretty clearly a single-payer advocate.  I'm on the record in that regard, the vast majority of the members of the Progressive Caucus are co-sponsors of HR 676, John Conyers is a member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus. You know, the issue was never that people didn't want single-payer. The issue was figuring out strategically how to effectively move the legislation in as progressive a direction as you possibly could, and the view of the caucus leadership-and it's really hard to claim, for instance, that Lynn Woolsey isn't sufficiently progressive, that's a tough sell.  But the view of the caucus leadership was that they couldn't see a path to get 218 for single-payer in the short term.

That wasn't a fight that given this congress, given this environment was possible to win. And everything that they did started with the statement, 'We would strongly prefer single-payer, but given we understand that that's not what's going to happen, as a second choice we demand, at a minimum that ther be a public option.

When I was putting together briefings for them, when we brought in experts, we tried to bring in experts not only the public option, but also on single payer to have a discussion about how we make sure that the path they were pursuing left open possibilities for the future.

I think that a significant majority of the people who believe that single payer is a much better solution than the path we're on right now-and this includes myself-figured it was better to make the legislation as progressive as possible than it was to take our ball and go home.  Because if progressives had taken their ball and gone home, and said our line in the sand is single-payer, we won't settle for anything less, then in order to get 218 votes for health care reform, the leadership would have actually had to go in the other direction, and to figure out how to pick up Republican votes.  

Because this is not an issue of it being a little bit worse than it would have been. Had the progressive walked, had they drawn the line at single-payer and said 'We're going to walk if we don't get single-payer'. since your not going to get 218 votes for single-payer, that effectively cuts them out of the loop, and at that point it's 'How do we get the votes of however many-20 or 30 Republicans.' And think about how bad the legislation would have to be to pick up 20 or 30 Republicans in the House.  

So I think it's totally fine to have a real discussion about strategy and what we can learn and what works and what didn't work, and how we can make future battles that we fight--how we can get stronger, for the next fight, as well as winning the fights that we're picking.

Those are discussions we should absolutely be having.  My frustration is with the accusations of bad faith, on the part of the people who have been working incredibly hard to try to make the legislation that was moving through Congress as progressive as we possibly could.

Open Left: Okay, thank you very much for your time.


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2 Republicans on the joint economic (4.00 / 2)
committee also called for Geithner to step down. This probably hurts more than helps, because (if the reaction on Daily Kos is instructive), Dems are likely to circle the wagons behind Geithner-Obama as the GOP goes after him.

I'm all for getting rid of Geithner; he's not merely a neoliberal but a full-fledged Rubinite, with all the attendant corruption, cronynism, and conflicts of interest. But let's be honest, Obama has picked his side and his replacement, if it came to that, wouldn't be much better. Progressives managed to prevent Larry Summers from becoming Treasury Sec and we got...Geithner.

Greenwald:
http://www.salon.com/news/opin...

Populist anger over elite-favoring economic policies has long been brewing on both the Right and Left (and in between), but neither political party can capitalize on it because they're both dependent upon and subservient to the same elite interests which benefit from those policies.

All in all, a nativist-nationalist-populist presidential run by Lou Dobbs is looking less and less ridiculous. (Oh by the way Dobbs advocates withdrawal from Afghanistan.)

Taibbi, on the other hand, is supporting Elizabeth Warren for president.



The GOP Attacks On Geithner Definitely Helped Him (4.00 / 3)
But whether that was more than just a tactical save remains to be seen.

And, of course the real problem is Obama.  But picking on his prized appointments is a way of criticizing, and putting pressure on him.

The Dems have one advantage: their style of populism actually helps people and helps solve the economic problems they face.  So if progressives manage to push through a decent jobs bill, it could make a significant difference in the 2010 elections--which in turn could make a difference in 2012.

It's a damn slow process, but we didn't get totally screwed over in the twinkling of an eye, either.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
I agree (4.00 / 1)
But picking on his prized appointments is a way of criticizing, and putting pressure on him.

And given the understandable if unwise tendency among many progressives to defend Obama, it might the most effective way.


[ Parent ]
"picking on his prized appointments" (0.00 / 0)
picking on his prized appointments is a way of criticizing, and putting pressure on him.

Are we more or less likely to see improved behavior and policies from Timmeh and Summers by calling for their heads? Seems like a no-brainer. We may not get them actually fired, but at least we can shame and embarrass them into being less heinous.

The only downside is bad PR for the Obama administration, but it'd be hard to get any worse PR than having continued double digit unemployment. Obama needs a little tough love. MORE FOR BANKS? HELL NO! GEITHNER AND SUMMERS HAVE TO GO!

miasmo.com


[ Parent ]
Spitzer lays blame on Geithner and Summers directly.. (4.00 / 1)
I like Spitzer and trust his experienced opinions on economic matters.  He's one of the few who rightly attack the Chamber of Commerce, a growing extremist PAC protected by the Roberts Court

On Friday's Rachel Maddow show Spitzer agrees Geithner should quit.

Obama did make several bad appointments including that of Janet Napolitano, whose removal has paved the way for JD Hayworth aka Rush Limbaugh Jr. to knock out McCain and therefore rightly deserves a public ass whoppin' for them.

Nationalism is not the same thing as terrorism, and an adversary is not the same thing as an enemy.


[ Parent ]
I have a question on the stall of finance overhaul (0.00 / 0)
Are we really supposed to believe this is stalled for the stated reasons?  It sure looks from here like the CBC is doing the bidding of their Wall Street paymasters.

Especially after the victory of the Grayson-Paul amendment earlier in the week.


We don't know which reasons (0.00 / 0)
and either way whether real or not, the stated reason is a good point about the economic jobs market.

[ Parent ]
"Their Wall Street Paymasters"??? (4.00 / 1)
Hey, here's an idea: Why not go all reality-based?

Check out the Financial Services Committee on Open Secrets.  There are certainly some Democrats who are heavily supported by the financial sector.  But they aren't the likes of Keith Ellison, Emanuel Cleaver, or Maxine Waters.

This story, linked to in Quick Hits gives a pretty straight-forward explanation for their actions: They want attention paid to their constituents, who've largely been ignored, even though their black constituents voted for Obama in the 95%+ range.

Don't forget, Black unemployment generally tracks at twice that of White unemployment.  So they definitely have a much stronger beef than most.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
That's even worse than my first suspicion (0.00 / 0)
The CBC are carrying water for Wall Street and aren't even getting any money for it.

I don't doubt there's a genuine grievance there.  I do question the wisdom of stalling legislation that Wall Street would like to bury, in order to highlight that grievance.

I'll bet Barney Frank is breathing a sigh of relief.


[ Parent ]
Carrying water for Wall Street? (4.00 / 1)
I didn't see that at all in the links Paul provided.

I also didn't see what their specific grievances are with the financial overhaul legislation, though I'm sure more will be revealed.

Stalling, seems to me, is usually a good strategy when you're on the defensive, and Progressives are always on the defensive.

Perhaps they should have taken this tack early on in the health care reform debate, and not waited until the legislation was so far along before they made their positions known on a strong public option.  


[ Parent ]
the 160 & 185 million VS. the 24 million (0.00 / 0)
Darcy-
thanks for your work and thoughts.

in 2008 there were appx. 160,000,000/211,000,000 americans with money income of 50 grand a year, OR LESS

in 2008 there were appx 24,000,000/211,000,000 with money income OVER 75 grand, leaving about 187,000,000 under.**

all these policy thinky tanky whitey papers - YAWN.

How many of these university policy thinky tanky people have EVER relied on food stamps, housing subsidy, student loans, pell grants, COBRA, unemployment, the b.s. retraining programs, Medi-Crap Part D - CCC - XVIVVXIV_a ???

Aside from the fact that the other side sell lies to the public faster than cell companies sell cell phones to teenagers, the other side lies about everything, and our side can't sell water to thirsty people -

most of our univeristy thinky tanky policy people can't run a f'king hot dog stand, much less these mish mash slap dash half assed programs.

Maybe they'd deign to come off the mountain with some CONCRETE ideas on:

What is gonna happen,
How is it gonna happen,
Who is gonna do what to make it happen,
When is who gonna make it happen.

I KNOW they're SATs and LSATs and GREs and Degrees are big, and are impressive, but can any of these university policy think tanky types make something work?

The REASON programs exist is to get something done, NOT employ armies of accountants, policy analysts, lawyers, managers, bureaucrats ... sometimes I feel the Democratic Party was better off when the spoils went to those precinct captains Franny, Joey, Jimmy and Bobby down at the DPW, leaning on their shovels and sipping beers all afternoon out at the reservoir.

Bob Murphy of Holyoke, Boston from '78 to '89, Seattle since '89

**
http://www.census.gov/hhes/www...

look at "person", open file, fiddle cutting and pasting from doc to excel.


It is too full o' the milk of human kindness To catch the nearest way


Chris Matthews (0.00 / 0)
This is precisely what Chris Matthews said.  He said that Obama is too much of an intellectual.

I will back the first plumber running for president.  We have got to get some sort of common sense in the government.

Conservative......CNN news:Nopenhagen: US PRES 2 WKS LATE ATTEND 1 DAY, GORE JOURNEY BY TRAIN.


[ Parent ]
So You're With Matthews In The Pro-Stupid Camp. (4.00 / 3)
Good to know!

Got your "I'm with Joe" t-shirt yet?

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
The occupation of a president (4.00 / 1)
is as irrelevant as her or his eye color. The presidency is an institution. It's behavior cannot be controlled by swapping out who sits in the big chair.

Chris Matthews thought that Ivy Leaguers were regular guys when they were engaging in (even more) aggressive war and gutting policies that benefited the bottom 99% of the country Republicans.

If a plumber sat in the White House and suggested we kill the New Deal more slowly, Matthews would attack him for being too wine track.

Politics is the art of the possible, but that means you have to think about changing what is possible, not that you have to accept it in perpetuity.


[ Parent ]
Mathews is WORSE than Palin. She's an straight (4.00 / 1)
up right wing hack and right wing liar.

Mathew's pretends he's on the side of the average people, while repeating a kindler gentler version of palin-rayganesque LIES.

screw him.

rmm.  

It is too full o' the milk of human kindness To catch the nearest way


[ Parent ]
I think that too about Matthews (0.00 / 0)
Have you ever seen his Sunday morning talk show on NBC (it's on in my area right before Meet the Press - not that I like any of the sunday morning bullshit; it's so easy to dismiss)? His panel includes at least one token lefist leaning commenter, media person, but he relies on Kathleen Parker, a conservative, to carry the show.

[ Parent ]
Growing Up In Typewriter Era = My Online Editing (4.00 / 1)
sucks. oh well.

I forgot to mention that I'm grateful for the welfare when I was teenager in the 70's, AND the housing subsidy thing that let us live in a better neighborhood of decaying rotting holyoke, and the pell grants and student loans that allowed me to go to Boston College in '78 and Johnson & Wales Culinary in '82,

(oh yeah - should I mention Tip O'Neil selling out to RayGun cuz the takers at the top had to take MORE than the pig takers were taking, and cutting help to people working for 4 or 5 bucks an hour trying to claw their way up...? all cuz the pigs taking at the top were gonna ... I don't know ... NOT gamble in legalized pyramid schemes bailed out by working stiffs ????????)

I'm grateful for the unemployment in 1993-4 and the publicly funded education and the student loans leading to the math degree in '97.

I'm grateful for the roads and sewars and water and the electricity and infrastructure, which means that people can do stuff like buy computers, instead of spending all day standing around with home made candles standing in puddles of human waste and trash! Cuz, with all those computers it affords me the opportunity to get a job at a BIG SOFTWARE company outside Seattle doing database support!

BUT - through this 4 decade long Odessey of Life, whenever I've been at political things in Boston or Seattle and commented on how crappy these programs run, AND what a bunch of flat earth twits the Prop 13 Tim Eyeman Grover PalinBush crowd is, AND what an opportunity there is to put the PalinBushes outta business

by making shit run !!!  

well, the the BIG SAT LSAT DEGREE'd people of BosSea politically actives pooh pooh about complexity and seriousness and these BIG people:

people who come from the 22 million at the top living on OVER 75 grand,
people who live in the leafy neighborhoods,
people who PROBABLY grew up in the leafy neighborhoods,

... and these BIG people blather on how they should be writing the next containment strategy, and they should be teddy white on mcneil-lehrer ...

and what we bottom 187 million need is -

we need shit to run, cuz
we gotta make shit run, or
we ain't gonna have shit.

rmm.  



It is too full o' the milk of human kindness To catch the nearest way


[ Parent ]
Thing Is (4.00 / 1)
As a number of my diaries about 1% economy and such show, making over $75k doesn't mean shit in the grand scheme of things.

Those folks are doing nowhere near as well in terms of long-term prospects compared to similarly-situated people back in 60s.

And the current wave of protests over UC fee hikes is a dramatic reminder of that, since that sort of low-cost quality education back then was a major factor in keeping higher education affordable for the children of the leafy neighborhood families.

And now it's gone, gone, gone.

Just like roughly 50% of the equity those folks lost from their homes in the last 18 months or so.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Over 75K???? (0.00 / 0)
About the only thing the Democrats did right was peg higher income at family income over 250K.  Have a few kids, pay for a house, save money to send them to college so they don't come out in debt up to their ears, and one might even have enough money to stay off aid when they finally retire and die.  

75K is chump change in todays economy.  It is all of those people earning more than 75K who are losing their jobs, homes, and filing for bankruptcy.  


[ Parent ]
you and paul are right about 75 k being chump (4.00 / 1)
change, BUT

look at 187 MILLION living on less!

I've been living in Boston or Seattle for 29+ of the last 31 years, and in the last 20 years, through dumb luck etc, I've been able to rent in relatively nice neighborhoods of Seattle (Queen Anne and Ballard ) - which would completely impossible in Boston, NYC, San Fran ...

the higher you get over 75,000 the more likely:

- you got 1 of them fancy educations,
- you got 1 of them professional / managerial jobs,
- you live around others like you,
- you probably came from 1 of thsoe good zip codes to begin with,

and despite being aware of how NOT donald trump you are, and despite being aware of how g'dam expensive your "security" is,

I am NOT seeing cognizance of how f'king shitty things are for the 187 Million below you!

Why else do the people who can write the $500 and $5000 checks keep supporting these freaking tepid DLC-ish loser / sell outs / incompetents ...like clinton, gore, kerry, dukakis ??

How many millions do walmart, target and home depot employ at crappy benefit / can't afford a safe home / can't afford good schools shit pay VS. how many millions did GM and Bethleham Steel and Westinghouse USED to employ, people who could afford decent homes with decent schools?  

Life in Queen Anne and Ballard is only remotely connected to the at home lives of those millions of wal-mart / home depot / target employees, hence the shitty politicians and SHITTY policies. ;)

They're great people who live here - BUT they ain't close enough to the edge to FIGHT for those at the REAL edge, they don't support politicians who fight at the edge, and washington state politics is

ha ha ha "dominated"

by diaper shitters afraid of offending the david broder right wing middle!

rmm.  

It is too full o' the milk of human kindness To catch the nearest way


[ Parent ]
My Point (4.00 / 2)
The "middle class" is a muddled class that doesn't really get which side its bread is buttered on.

Sure the upper middles are much better off than those below them, but the escalator stopped going up quite some time ago, and most of them haven't figured that out yet.

It would actually be very much to their advantage to reorient their values away from elitist aspirations, but most are not hip enough to see.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
You always say it so much better. n.t (0.00 / 0)


[ Parent ]
I don't disagree that there are way too many people making much less, (0.00 / 0)
which is why this country couldn't afford the massive jobs giveaway that Clinton is responsible for.  However, there is a huge middle that needs to allign with someone; and unless we need a repeat of the backlash against the overstay in the Great Society, it would be much better if they identified with the working/middle class instead of Wall Street.  

This middle is often two working professionals married to one another and trying to raise a family in a middle class life style while saving for college and old age.  They are trying to do for their kids what their parents did for them - make their lives better.    Yes, they went to school, got an education and the debt accompanying it, but they don't own jets, yatchs, four homes, and have maids, gardners, and a team of lawyers and accountants at their beck and call.   They go to work everyday and put up with the same crap as someone making 20K.  If they get canned, they have everything to lose and finding a replacement job is not easy.  When they get home from work, they mow the grass, do laundry, cook dinner and help the kids with their homework just like everybody else.  This group is huge and living a life everybody wishes for their child.  If they decide Republicans understand them and represent their interests better than Democrats do, we'll never get rid of the Clintons, Reagans, and Obamas.  

Attacking this group reminds me of how people are now attacking teachers and other government workers for being overpaid with too many benefits.  When the job market was hot, they said government employees were saps and losers who couldn't compete so they had to have one of those low paid, crappy government jobs.  Now that corporate Americans have lost their big pay checks, bonuses, expense accounts, and company cars, they resent the government workers and wants them to take cuts everywhere so they can have less than them again.  


[ Parent ]
I think we're talking about different subsets of the (0.00 / 0)
over 50k over 75k crowd.

If I understand your point, there are a bunch of hard working who know they're on the edge, cuz they know they can't readily & quickly replace their job, a job they break their ass at - I would argue that this crowd is amenable? to thug lies for 3 key reasons:

1. they know that the safety net programs don't work, and are only available after you've lost practically everything you broke your ass to get,
2. they are busy busy BUSY, the thugs are great at marketing, and
3. the Dims can't sell water to thirsty people.

I'm talking about the over 50k and over 75k people who I've seen over the last 20+ years, typically before and during the primaries, supporting the dukakis & kerry & clinton & gores DLC types - they're the coach bag / nice threads crowd who don't seem to be in the gross phone bank office / cluttered mail party - but they're at the big events sharing the whispering in ears experience with others of their social cla$$.  A few examples - I saw them at Dukakis' election night party in Boston, during early primary season in '91 with clinton buttons, I saw then come outta the woodwork AGAINST howard dean in '03 cuz even though they liked Dean's fire they thought that 'others' wouldn't like Dean AND how could the thugs attack a war hero?

They're nice people, they work hard, they donate to the good causes ... AND they keep supporting 'leaders' who do NOT fight, at best, and who turn out to be turn coats, at worst, over and over and over.

Why?

I think it is because they really haven't a freaking clue how on-the-edge it is living on 40 or 60 grand, and, possibly, they really do NOT understand how close they are to falling off the non existant ladder up

rmm.



It is too full o' the milk of human kindness To catch the nearest way


[ Parent ]
Suggestion (4.00 / 2)
Do not just criticize Geithner or Summers. Mention ideas for replacement and what sorts of economic policies are the problem. Indeed, name the policies for what they are- a continuation of the neoliberalism that got us in trouble in the first place.   I believe the economic team needs to be replaced, but the way to do it is to find someone with an actual different view point because President Obama, being a neoliberal, will simply replace Geithner with someone just as bad or worse.  

I said something similar above (4.00 / 3)
but having thought about it for more than six seconds, I think getting rid of Geithner isn't really the goal. Rather, it's a dramatic way of objecting to O's economic policies.

[ Parent ]
But if this goes unstated (0.00 / 0)
That allows for others to define the next step. I think one of the mistakes often made is a lack of long term anticipation of what steps will follow, and how to react to them by cutting them off by defining the narrative early. If you define the debate as not merely about getting rid of Geithner, but also why you need to get rid of Geithner, and who would be better, you are redefining the subsequent debate.  

[ Parent ]
A related point - just you can use the critique of Geithner (4.00 / 1)
as a vehicle for attacking neoliberal economics and for promoting progressive policies, you can also use critiques of members of Congress in the same way. The discussion over Geithner can be the platform for this.

Politics is the art of the possible, but that means you have to think about changing what is possible, not that you have to accept it in perpetuity.

[ Parent ]
This Is A Good Point, But (4.00 / 2)
I think it's a bit premature.  Alternative names right now could simply become targets for vacuous counter-strikes.

It makes sense to me to shift the policy focus first, then start floating names.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Right - not names at this stage (4.00 / 2)
but the considerations that should go into the choice - the question of what is at stake in naming any particular person, should be the focus.

Politics is the art of the possible, but that means you have to think about changing what is possible, not that you have to accept it in perpetuity.

[ Parent ]
Right, no names. (4.00 / 1)
(Warren, Stiglitz, Dean Baker, Jared Bernstein)

miasmo.com

[ Parent ]
Right (4.00 / 1)
At this point, they are much more valuable as independent critics than as potential replacements.

Build up their visibility, messaging and credibility, then floating their names has more impact and significance.

(You'd think a Nobel Prize would take care of all that.  You'd be wrong.)

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
visibility (0.00 / 0)
I agree with you guys (or at least don't disagree) that floating names may be strategically premature. I just couldn't help throwing out a few suggestions.

But I don't know if I agree with you on the "visibility" issue. I would be surprised if very many people who had heard of Summers and Geithner before their role in the current administration are not also already familiar with Warren and Stiglitz. And Jared Bernstein is on TV regularly as a representative of the administration. Dean Baker may be less known outside of progressive circles. But if Warren and Stiglitz don't already have the credibility, they're never going to get it.

But I am having a hard time seeing how any of this is an issue. 99% of the public will never have heard of any of these people until they're nominated and 90% will never have heard of them even after they're nominated.

But I think you are right that the earlier any name is telegraphed, the more time Fox News has to change their name to Acorn McHitlerson.

I just pray that, on the extreme outside chance that Obama replaces the Terrible Two, progressive Senators will let Obama know in no uncertain terms that a less progressive replacement will be blocked.

miasmo.com


[ Parent ]
True Enough (4.00 / 2)
What I was trying to point to was not anything easily measurable, but rather the perception of other people's perception kind of thing that helps determine whether things are "on the table" or "off the table."

This has nothing to do with popular perception, but it does have to do with the degree to which folks outside of Versailles can take advantage of situations to influence perceptions within Versailles. And working in tandem with progressives in the House certainly makes this task a whole lot more achievable.

It could, for example, mean the difference between just swapping in another neolib clone vs. promoting Bernstein.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
I agree with your assessment of my idea (4.00 / 2)
My only additional point is I hope people are ready and thinking through in advance the strategies that they will use to define the debate when the other side hits back. To me, many of the moves are highly predictable so each step can be an opportunity to define the narrative if you realize what they are doing and how it will play out.  As a relative outsider I have been able to predict each step of the narrative regarding the public option to name but one example of how predictable this dance of defining the narrative is. Using this anticipation of the next move, the bold progressive to me, it would seem would find some sensationalistic way to turn the arguments on their head to favor definitions that move you toward the end game. For example, forcing a debate on neoliberalism and as someone else said- pushing for it to be a broader debate about how it influences policy in DC and describing the horror stories that come out of it. Have the horror stories handy rather than abstractly talking about it. This is all just off top my head. I hope my point is clear.

[ Parent ]
I see your point, now. (4.00 / 1)
Although your original comment had me scratching my head. I was thinking:

Seriously, is anyone thinking about calling for their firing without criticizing their policies? I don't think I've heard anyone yet say, "Yeah, that Geithner's got to go. I just don't like the way that guy looks. And his name is spelled weird too."

Frankly, I did not see who you thought you could possibly be arguing with on that point.

miasmo.com


[ Parent ]
I arguing about thinking ahead (4.00 / 1)
Frames are often simplistic. Being able to use and anticipate the ritual of the dance is part of the reason for progressive failures. For example, you assume here that people are hearing something more than Get Rid Of Geithner. The reality is that's all they are hearing.  Shaping a more powerful narrative by anticipating moves is my point because most of the moves are predictable enough to anticipate.  

[ Parent ]
Thinking several steps ahead is good. (0.00 / 0)
You make a good point by reminding everyone of this.

But I'm pretty sure that the minimal amount of discussion here about why Geithner needs to go is due to the fact that Geithner's suckness has been discussed here extensively since before he was confirmed. By now everyone assumes that everyone else here already understands and agrees with the reasons that he sucks.

miasmo.com


[ Parent ]
Frames Come In All Sorts Of Forms (4.00 / 1)
Frames are often simplistic.

I think that

    "Health care is a right."

and

    "Too big to fail is too big to exist."

are simple, but hardly simplistic.

But proper framing is just the beginning, which is what your real point seems to be, as I understand it.


"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Yes (0.00 / 0)
 I look at the health care bill, and right now what's happening with the Senate. The Conservative Democrats are obviously (To me at least) slowing  down the bill if you listen to them. That's a feature not  defect for their strategy.

We should have had a response to it by now since this has been their strategy all year. Delay and water down. Delay and water down. Now, over in the Quick Hits, they are once again discussing triggers- delay and water down. What was our strategy to counter theirs here?  "Health care is a right" is probably not sufficient to address their strategy over time.  


[ Parent ]
Frames Are Starting Points (0.00 / 0)
If you start with "Health care is a right," then every time they delay, you hit them with, "Why are dragging your feet in  protecting a basic right?"

I'm not saying that's the best response, necessarily.  But a good frame has application to a wide range of situtations, even if it may not be the single best direct response.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
May I be frank? (0.00 / 0)
I think the problem with progressives is not frames. I think they are important- how you message things, but this is not our problem. Our problem is that there are too many willing to capitulate at a moments notice. You may disagree, but I think a lot of progressives lack a certain killer instinct.  I followed the health care debate closely. Each time we try to frame, come off as saying "okay, but this will be absolutely the last time I compromise" but it turns out not to be the case. This is why when Chris Bowers wrote in a diary recently that the power of progressives would increase if or when Blue Dogs lose next year that he was wrong. The problem is not our numbers.

The problem is that between the two groups- conservatives and progressives- only conservatives are willing to go over the cliff, and we are not. It is a form of negotiation style.

The wait us out game for example only works because we do capitulate. If we didn't say okay to the classic game of chicken would not work. This brings up issues of resolve. The conservatives to me just seem to have more resolve for what they say. That's my honest assessment.

That our strategic flaw is not being hard or disciplined enough. So, when we come up with a strategy,  that we can anticipate, it will not work.  Because even after we anticipate, we must be willing to follow through on whatever strategy we come up with to the end.

Right now, if progressives really wanted to put the fear of god into the party, it could. SImply announce we have decided to sit the next election out as we are only the "left of the left fringe" suffering temper tantrums.  


[ Parent ]
Regardless, it needs to be about policy (4.00 / 2)
If policy objections can cut through the din, then perhaps Paulson, Summers and Bernake change their tune, even if they don't eventually get replaced.

[ Parent ]
David's Right (4.00 / 2)
The call to replace the team is a dramatic expression of opposition to the policy, and policy is more the point here than personalities.

Which is why the discussion turned to what people can do, and Darcy then pointed to the Warren Report.  And why it also involved discussion of the jobs bill.

If the focus of legislation and discussion shifts to Main Street, not only will that be a good thing in itself, it further establish the groundwork for coming back and replacing Geithner and Summers with folks more in line with job creation & taking care of the bottom 99%.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
The Warren Report is essential (4.00 / 1)
But we need to make sure we draw our line brutally clearly.

While the progressive online community and the congressional progressive caucus are to be commended for their defense of the public option, it looks as though the way industry shills are screwing us over is by maintaining the facade of a public option while completely hollowing it out.

This is the same problem that actually afflicts the Obama administration's tactics just on a narrower scale.  Fight for 'change' and 'health care reform' (without substantively defining what those things consist of) and you end up being able to renegotiate until those goals are meaningless.  Not being able to fail, you are also not really able to win.

The public option was a better line, but perhaps we should have made clear earlier on what kind of public option.  So we're fighting for a public option available to everyone on day one and at medicare +5%.  If it's not competitive with industry it's not a public option- and then we needed to be united on it from the get-go (which is a whole other struggle).

And with financial reform we're not just fighting for no more Geithner, but no more Geithner and X set of policies which are non-negotiable.  Of course this is different (not being a piece of legislation but a call for resignation and accountability) but the point remains: we need to define our goal INCREDIBLY clearly to avoid them putting something in place that they can call the achievement of that goal while betraying the intent behind it.

Figuring out how to be a progressive college graduate transplant to Ohio:  http://citizenobie.wordpress.com/


[ Parent ]
Agreed (4.00 / 1)
I think it's important to note that this problem of vague, readily hollowed-out promises and positions was largely initiated, if not caused by Obama himself, beginning with his campaign (if not before).

I was one who repeatedly criticized Obama for it, too--not just with respect to health care, but his general lack of policy content (Mark Matson always argued against me, pointing to policy papers, and while I admitted he had somewhat of a point, I knew all to well how little weight such things can carry once the campaign is done.)

While that will continue to be a problem for us, the fact that this jobs bill demand is originating from outside of the Adminstration--even though the Administration now seems to be jumping on board--gives us a much better chance to do as your suggest.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Inspiration and Defense (4.00 / 2)
I guess my concern is how do we garner the passion and level of support that Obama got for 'change' (and which he got from people who are not policy-wonks, and also people who I would guess are those who don't normally vote on a regular basis) while making sure that 'change' amounts to specific, sometimes difficult to understand policy positions.

I'm excited by movements like 350 and the defense of the public option, we need more of these kinds of messages.  Messages that can get people excited but don't amount to excitement for hollow rhetoric.  Or, to get extremely hokey, change we can believe in.

That's what I think a Geithner ouster (properly defined) can offer, something to really rally people in a way that dense financial regulation (that I myself feel ill-equipped to make sense of, not being a finance wonk) may be less able to do.

It's also in a related note why we need someone who adopts Warren's argument for agreements that anyone can understand.  Her emphasis on transparency and making sure companies aren't obfuscating to their consumers is key- and I think that's something people really CAN wrap their heads around.  It's a no-brainer as well as sensible policy- people should be able to understand their financial agreements.  Come to think of it, that should be a non-negotiable.

Figuring out how to be a progressive college graduate transplant to Ohio:  http://citizenobie.wordpress.com/


[ Parent ]
I really like this part (0.00 / 0)
"Messages that can get people excited but don't amount to excitement for hollow rhetoric.  Or, to get extremely hokey, change we can believe in."

This is the core problem with moving away from  being manipulated to understanding how the dance (as I call it) works. It is the Orwell approach of controlling language so that it comes to mean what you want it to me. Progressives do not seem to be able to master this concept.

I think on the public option, and the lack of coordinated effort (as far as I could see it) to demonize the insurance and pharmaceutical companies starting as early as January when President Obama announced the need for health reform. By demonizing them from the start, that would have changed Obama's moves in part as well. Those flames are already there. They just needed fanning rather than assuming that people were passionate about it.

The same here- you need to push for the passionate anger over the financial crisis. This anger actually crosses ideological lines. But be ready once you have fanned the flames to define the next step of the debate. Have a well executed campaign. Do not overly intellectualize it so that the underlying focused message is lost. Again, returning to the health care debate, why were we need not discussing the health insurance death panels from day 1 in the private sector?


[ Parent ]
Yeap- this is precisely what I try to get at (0.00 / 0)
by pointing outing out the need to anticipate and shape early the battle over meaning. That's where battles are won and lost. Not simply with frames, but in giving definitions.  

[ Parent ]
I'm all for the inside-outside strategy (0.00 / 0)
As Darcy described it, this is the CPC and activists - but what about the AFL-CIO, NAACP and other groups that recently announced their major jobs initiative. How do they fit into all this? From the outside, it appears as if members of Congress may not be very closer tied to these groups. The relationships between these groups and the netroots also seem like they could use to be strengthened.

Politics is the art of the possible, but that means you have to think about changing what is possible, not that you have to accept it in perpetuity.

I Doubt They're Out Of Touch With Each Other (0.00 / 0)
IMHO, the trouble with the AFL-CIO, NAACP and others revolves more around mobilizing their bases to get things done than it does around contact with Congressmembers.  With the netroots, it's the other way around.

So we need to move both more in the other's direction.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
I'm sure you're right that they are in touch (0.00 / 0)
the question is how they are connected.

You are absolutely right on the other two. I'm hoping that the return of UNITE HERE to the AFL-CIO can help lead them to a more mobilizing approach. It's happened before - UNITE HERE and SEIU were the driving force between shifting the AFL-CIO's position on immigration. (Although a policy shift and a change in how you do business are not the same - immigration was some of both, what I'm talking about leans more to the latter.)

Trumka's presidency might as well, but I'm skeptical of the impact of who is at the top absent other institutional changes. Personally, he does get it. I can't find the quote, but the other day he said something along the lines of 'no one ever complains about the deficit when I knock on their door.'  

Politics is the art of the possible, but that means you have to think about changing what is possible, not that you have to accept it in perpetuity.


[ Parent ]
can we make this the next OpenLeft/Firedoglake/progressive netroots united campaign? (0.00 / 0)
I don't know what an analog to the recent Grayson/Paul amendment would be (in terms of actual congressional action) but how can online progressive communities start getting more congresspeople to say that Geithner and Summers should step down?

In the case above, 'bipartisanship' actually allowed the amendment to pass, is this something we can capitalize on?  A congressional alliance to oust Geithner would last about as long as it took to get rid of him- the show would be trying to find his replacement.  I agree that we don't necessarily want Warren per se, because I really don't want a repeat of the Van Jones fiasco (prominent progressive voice gets character assassinated and rendered incapable of offering critique- as they'd be able to do from the outside).  Who would we float who would be amenable to Warren's views but isn't Warren?

Figuring out how to be a progressive college graduate transplant to Ohio:  http://citizenobie.wordpress.com/


I Think I'd Argue For Taking Darcy's Advice (0.00 / 0)
and looking to get more involved on policy advocacy first.  We need to shift that more in our direction before I'd be willing to even think of a left-right alliance.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3

[ Parent ]
Agreed. I think mobilization (4.00 / 1)
should focus on a jobs bill. It seems as though that is an issue that is on the agenda - giving us the chance to shape it in ways that will make it  better policy, better politics and advance the progressive cause.

Politics is the art of the possible, but that means you have to think about changing what is possible, not that you have to accept it in perpetuity.

[ Parent ]
Looking to Alinskian organizing strategy (4.00 / 1)
I think we need to do both.  Geithner is not just a short-term campaign but a long-term one, in that his ouster could represent the 'coming out party' of progressive populism.  Building a counter-narrative to the tea-partiers is essential, and I can think of no better way of stoking progressive populism than by focusing rage and frustration on a figurehead of the horrible policies that accompany that person.  The jobs bill is more essential in terms of producing real results, but in terms of the long-term needs of heading of the right-populist nightmare that will not die easy, starting to pick targets and going for them (as in fact, Beck and his minions do) strikes me as a good way of building movement power and momentum.

Figuring out how to be a progressive college graduate transplant to Ohio:  http://citizenobie.wordpress.com/

[ Parent ]
Wow, this has been a fascinating discussion (0.00 / 0)
I like a lot of stuff that's been said. The last comment is representative:

Looking to Alinskian organizing strategy (4.00 / 1)
I think we need to do both.  Geithner is not just a short-term campaign but a long-term one, in that his ouster could represent the 'coming out party' of progressive populism.

I think just ousting Geithner is a frame. Geithner is Goldman Sachs, a Rubinite, and everything that is wrong with the Obama administration.

I think naming the replacement is another frame. Elizabeth Warren, IMHO, would do the trick.

Obama has to be on board, of course. Let him reveal himself. If he can be forced to oust Geithner, but replaces him with similar, he's dead meat.


How do we, as a community, promote the correct frame? (0.00 / 0)
I think one of the things that's incredibly strong about the 'Obama: Time To Get Rid Of Geithner' frame is that Geithner is something progressives can feel comfortable about trying to tank in a way that we're very wary of tanking health care and climate.

There are some who probably think the best progressive strategy would be kill health care as it stands now and start over with single-payer.  Ditto for climate, with a carbon tax with no offsets over cap-and-trade (not perfect analog, but relatively close.)  The problem is that we risk being branded as obstructionists and getting assaulted and marginalized over threatening the agenda.  We also risk nothing getting done, which many are uncomfortable with.  This wariness and disunity over tactics makes it doubly unlikely that we could kill this thing and start anew.

Unless someone can come up with a way that this is different, tanking Geithner does not strike me as carrying these risks.  What half-assed economic agenda do we risk looking like we're obstructing with that?  If anything we reframe Geithner as the obstructionist (while finding language that doesn't reinforce the idea that WE are the obstructionists- don't think of an elephant.)

But back to my subject line- I agree with what's been said that the jobs bill is the next big progressive fight.  But is there anything we can do as a community to help build momentum for the 'Get rid of Geithner' frame?  Peter DeFazio said it, could we raise him some money?  Could we get commitments or statements from Grayson, Kaptur, and others?  Could we get a letter with signatures from major representatives of labor as well as economists?  I'm thinking about what worked for Firedoglake with the Grayson/Paul amendment.  How do we make this happen?

Figuring out how to be a progressive college graduate transplant to Ohio:  http://citizenobie.wordpress.com/


[ Parent ]
I seized on get rid of Geithner (0.00 / 0)
as a frame because I think Geithner represents a lot of what is wrong with the Obama administration. Mostly that he and Larry Summers, senior economic adviser, are throwbacks to the Bill Clinton moderate era. This is not what we, and a majority of Americans, voted for, a point we would make in publicity on the project, if we got that far.

Besides DeFazio making noise over AIG bailout, the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) is blocking the financial reform legislation, according to this story in Friday's Washington Post:
http://www.washingtonpost.com/...

As you say, it's a much different decision to say let's tank health care or climate change legislation. But that's part of my reason for seizing on Geithner: We could make him a symbol. Getting rid of him would have no immediate adverse affects, but it could have payback in the form of momentum.

Ok, as to the how. First, I guess it's not Alinsky, since he pioneered neighborhood organizing and this would have to be on a national level. we'd have to declare a campaign here on Open Left and ask the CBC to join, plus other web sites and interest groups. We'd have to generate some media coverage. The CBC would be the most powerful component, I think. Of course get labor groups involved, and letters to Obama.

What do you think?


[ Parent ]
Why do we use crazy language about "banks"? (4.00 / 1)
Why do we call banks that are too big to succeed "too big to fail"?

Why do we call financial firms that make most of their profits from risky trading "banks?" Why don't we call them trading houses? Why is Goldman Sachs, for instance, called a bank?

Why do we call it a "bank bailout" aimed at increasing lending when it mainly benefitted firms that make most of their money from risky trading. And why bail out Goldman Sachs, which does not make business or consumer loans?

Am I crazy for asking these questions, or is the language we use crazy?


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