First I present charts of food insecurity and very low food insecurity for a variety of different demographic categories. The exact figures for these two charts can be found combined in the table that comes after them. As can bee seen by visual inspection, families with children are particularly at risk, with those in single-parent families more at risk, and those in female-headed single-parent families most at risk:
A similar pattern can be seen for very low food security as well:
With the benefit of seeing precise figures in tabular form, other striking facts jump out. For example, while 14.6% of all households are foor insecure, the percentage is roughly 50% higher for all households with children under 18 (21.0%) or with children under 6 (22.3%). The "good news", such as it is, is that the differences are much less for those who are very food insecure--5.7% for all families vs. 6.6% for those with children 18 or younger, and 6.2% for those with children 6 or younger:
Looking specifically at low-income households--below 130% of the poverty line--we find that the overall rate of food insecurity is just under 4 in 10--39%, with single-mother headed households again experiencing the highest rates of food insecurity at 50.3%. In comparison, seniors living alone have a food insecurity rate of 20%. This single mother rate is just over 2 1/2 times higher--a much smaller spread than for the entire population, among which ratio is more than 4 times higher. This shows that poverty alone is a much bigger factor accounting for food insecurity among seniors than it is for female-headed households:
Other State-Level Comparisons
We can perform other sorts on the table presented above the fold to highlight different kinds of information. First, for ease of reference, here is an alphabetic sort of states by name:
Next, we look at the percentage change over the last decade in the number of households that were food insecure:
Among the 10 states with the highest percent increse in food insecure households, four voted for Obama in 2008, compared to six who voted for McCain. These ranged from 3.9% to 2.9% increase. Among the 10 states (actually nine stats plus the District of Columbia) with the least increase (actually, for these states, a decrease) in food insecurity, eight voted for Obama, and just two voted for McCain. These ranged from 1.0% decrease to 3.8% decrease.
Next, we look at a ranking by the percentage increase (or decrease) in the percentage who are food insecure. (A change from 10% to 11% in the number who food insecure is 10% change in the percentage. This is a way to compare states irrespective of the level of food insecurity to begin with.)
This is the first (and only) measure by which there are more Obama-supporting states among the 10 worst, however the margin among the ten best remains even more pro-Obama. Six out of the ten worst states voted for Obama, four for McCain. They ranged from 25.3% to 34.1%. Eight out of ten of the best states (actually nine states, plus DC) voted for Obama, and just two for McCain. They ranged form 9.0% to 45.9%.
Next we look at the ranking of states by levels of very low food insecurity:
Three of the 10 worst states voted for Obama, compared to seven for McCain. They ranged from 5.4% to 7.4%. Eight of the 10 best states voted for Obama, compared to 2 for McCain. They ranged from 2.6% to 3.7%.
Now, we look at the percentage change over the last decade in the number of households that were very food insecure:
Because of tie scores, the "top 10" actually numbered 13. Six of the 13 worst states voted for Obama, compared to seven for McCain. They ranged from 3.2% to 1.7%. Eight of the 10 best states (actually, nine states plus DC) voted for Obama, compared to 2 for McCain. They ranged from 0.1% to -0.7%.
Finally, we look at the ranking by the percentage increase (or decrease) in the percentage who are very food insecure. (Again, this is a way to compare states irrespective of the level of very low food security to begin with.):
This is the only measure in which the 10 worst were split evenly: five voted for Obama and five for McCain. They ranged from 41.9% to 57.9%. Once again, however, eight of the 10 best states (actually, nine states plus DC) voted for Obama, compared to 2 for McCain. They ranged from 3.2% to -22.8%.
Conclusion
There's a danger, of course, that all these numbers can distance us from what we're talking about here--families living in fear of going hungry. So let me sum up simply by saying what all these state-level numbers mean: by every relevant measure, those states that voted for Obama did a better job of ensuring that families were food secure, that they lived without fear of going hungry. In braod terms, this is very good indication of what it means to vote Democratic at the presidential level. It is not that McCain voters are heartless. Nothing said about such large groups of people can reflect necessarily on any individual. But the group pattern is unmistakable.
Now what is needed is national-level policies that reflect this underlying reality. Food insecurity is incompatible with the purpose proclaimed in the Preamble of the Constitution. It is, quite simply, un-American. It's time to call for its abolition--and more importantly, time to institute policies that will bring that about.
Now that would be something we could all be thankful for.
Addendum
Questions Used To Assess the Food Security of
Households in the CPS Food Security Survey
1. "We worried whether our food would run out before we got money to buy more." Was that often, sometimes, or never true for you in the last 12 months?
2. "The food that we bought just didn't last and we didn't have money to get more." Was that often, sometimes, or never true for you in the last 12 months?
3. "We couldn't afford to eat balanced meals." Was that often, sometimes, or never true for you in the last 12 months?
4. In the last 12 months, did you or other adults in the household ever cut the size of your meals or skip meals because there wasn't enough money for food? (Yes/No)
5. (If yes to question 4) How often did this happen-almost every month, some months but not every month, or in only 1 or 2 months?
6. In the last 12 months, did you ever eat less than you felt you should because there wasn't enough money for food? (Yes/No)
7. In the last 12 months, were you ever hungry, but didn't eat, because there wasn't enough money for food? (Yes/No)
8. In the last 12 months, did you lose weight because there wasn't enough money for food? (Yes/No)
9. In the last 12 months did you or other adults in your household ever not eat for a whole day because there wasn't enough money for food? (Yes/No)
10. (If yes to question 9) How often did this happen-almost every month, some months but not every month, or in only 1 or 2 months?
(Questions 11-18 were asked only if the household included children age 0-18)
11. "We relied on only a few kinds of low-cost food to feed our children because we were running out of money to buy food." Was that often, sometimes, or never true for you in the last 12 months?
12. "We couldn't feed our children a balanced meal, because we couldn't afford that." Was that often, sometimes, or never true for you in the last 12 months?
13. "The children were not eating enough because we just couldn't afford enough food." Was that often, sometimes, or never true for you in the last 12 months?
14. In the last 12 months, did you ever cut the size of any of the children's meals because there wasn't enough money for food? (Yes/No)
15. In the last 12 months, were the children ever hungry but you just couldn't afford more food? (Yes/No)
16. In the last 12 months, did any of the children ever skip a meal because there wasn't enough money for food? (Yes/No)
17. (If yes to question 16) How often did this happen-almost every month, some months but not every month, or in only 1 or 2 months?
18 In the last 12 months did any of the children ever not eat for a whole day because there wasn't enough money for food? (Yes/No) |