Harold Ford, Jr.'s chances running as an independent

by: Adam Bink

Fri Jan 15, 2010 at 14:13


Taegan Goddard posits whether Harold Ford, Jr.'s game plan is to run as an independent, like Joe Lieberman. It's an interesting notion. The theory, to me, goes:

  • Ballot lines. New York State has a "fusion ballot" system where one candidate can run on multiple lines. For example, I can vote for Rep. Slaughter on either the Democratic or Working Families Party line. Some candidates even secure three lines. Ford's gamble would be to secure the Independence Party line and run there in the general election, ideally on a second line, although I don't see him getting the Working Families Party line or the Conservative Party line, either. He would also have to secure some kind of Republican support.

  • Ford's appeal. Given Ford's past positions and his attempts of late to establish himself as an Liebermanesque "independent Democrat", conventional wisdom would say that he appeals to Republicans and Independents as well as, if not more so than, Democrats. Given his carpetbagger issues, unfamiliarity with the state and lower name ID, it would also be better if the election were in November, not the September Democratic primary.

  • Republicans have no viable candidate. Republican Bruce Blakeman, the former Presiding Supervisor of the Nassau County Legislature, and not a serious candidate, is set to announce on Sunday that he is running. Given that Giuliani, Peter King, Molinari are all out, and chances are very slim if any that Pataki will run, Blakeman would be the New York State version of Alan Schlesinger, the Connecticut Republican who took 9.6% of the vote in 2006.

    In 2006, Lieberman took 54% of the Independent vote and 70% of the Republican vote. While Lieberman had much more of a record of "independence" that was familiar to Connecticut voters, the theory is that Ford could make the same kind of appeal and get the same results if Blakeman is the Republican. I am really, really doubtful of this though, as looking at history, the only example of a major candidate to run statewide on just the Independence line was Tom Golisano, who even in his best showing took just 14% of the vote in the 2002 gubernatorial general election. On the other hand he was running against Pataki, the incumbent governor who was on both the Republican and Conservative lines. There really is no example of the kind of race Ford may be setting up, where Republicans field a weak candidate and two Democrats run at each other on separate ballot lines.

    It also depends on how much Republicans actually support their candidate. If it's a virtual alliance between Ford and the Republicans, that could be trouble, but if the Republicans work for Blakeman, or even just sit on their hands, Ford can't win on just the Independence line alone. And it's also hard to see how Ford has a virtual alliance with the Republicans after all the tacking to the left he's done.

  • Getting on the Independence line. My understanding is that the executive committee of the Independence Party essentially chooses who will and will not be on the ballot under that line. That's why Mike Bloomberg contributed $250,000 to the Party in 2005 and $400,000 last year to get on the line. Goddard points to Bradley Tusk, Bloomberg's campaign manager, currently advising Ford as one indicator that Ford will do this. Allying himself with Bloomberg, who hasn't been a huge fan of Gillibrand, would go a long way. Ford would also have to get what is called a Wilson-Pakula signed by the Independence Party chair, which is where Bloomberg, who is known to be close to Independence Party chair Frank MacKay, would help.

    If he succeeds, Gillibrand could collect signatures from Independence Party members to force a September primary, which would be on the same date as the Democratic primary. She must, I believe, also obtain a Wilson-Pakula, as she is not an enrolled Independence Party member. The winner would be on that ballot line in the general.

  • 2010 turnout. As Mike noted last week, when voters are in this foul a mood, anti-incumbent and anti-establishment candidates have advantages (the notion that Ford is anti-establishment is a joke, but he's certainly trying to paint himself as such). This would be targeted at Gillibrand. On top of this, if 2010 is like 2009 in New Jersey, where Democratic base turnout was way down while Republicans were fired up, turnout at the polls could be better for someone like Ford if the Republicans work to back him, or so the theory goes.

  • Ford pulling a Lieberman. If you are wondering whether Ford could pull a Lieberman and run as the Independence Party nominee if he loses the Democratic party nomination, the answer varies. If he secures the Independence line uncontested, he's on the ballot in November no matter what. If it's contested, then the primary occurs in September on the same date as the Democratic primary, so it would depend on if he wins or loses.

The question for me is that if he is doing this, he would have very little reason to do things like switch positions on marriage equality and try and proclaim his progressive bona fides on issues like choice, immigration and labor. So, it could either be part of a 32-dimensional chess plot, or another part of a bad roll-out. When asked about it on Morning Joe this morning, he said:

Scarborough: We've got to ask this first.  I'm sorry to interrupt, but Chuck Todd just said Harold may run as an independent, that there's a rumor out there that you're considering running as an independent.  True or False?

Ford: Well, the thinking hasn't progressed that far.  But if I run, I'll run as a Democrat.  I'm a proud Democrat, been one for 39 or so years, and I think I'm going to remain that.

Scarborough: You know, I switch parties like I switch T-shirts.  I've been a Republican for pretty long.

Ford: As we've said throughout this the last 11 or 12 days, I think the Democrats are looking for an independent, standup Democrat to represent the state.  So in that sense I would run as an independent.

He didn't exactly slam the door shut, so we'll see.

Adam Bink :: Harold Ford, Jr.'s chances running as an independent

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grawq (0.00 / 0)
as a new yorker for the first 28 years of my life or so, when hillary clinton ran in new york, i didn't mind as much - maybe because of when she did it.  

harold ford i do mind.  i don't think it's necessary or helpful to have carpetbaggers anymore, especially those whose politics are probably more conservative than new york's as a whole and who have no connection to the people of the state, as far as i know.  we can find someone much better.


But why vote for a right wing Democrat when you have a Republican, however bad, right there? (0.00 / 0)


While that ad may be cringeworthy (0.00 / 0)
after seeing how Scott Brown is doing in MA, I don't think we should be so quick to write off Republicans, even in the bluest states.  I wouldn't automatically assume that Blakeman - or whoever the Republicans put up - would be another Alan Schlesinger-type pushover.

[ Parent ]
Who defines what a "serious" candidacy is? (0.00 / 0)
I don't disagree with your overall point, but I do take issue with the idea that Bruce Blakeman isn't running a serious campaign just because his chances of winning are slim.  If he's just a token candidate, that's reason enough to dismiss him (and it looks like he is a token candidate).  The same kind of logic at play here, that because Blakeman doesn't stand a snowball's chance in hell means he isn't serious about running -- as opposed to whether or not he's making a genuine effort -- is the same kind that allowed establishment media to dismiss the campaigns of Kucinich, Gravel, and even Edwards.  I see that as being damaging to the principle of the electoral process.

"Given the choice between a Republican and someone who acts like a Republican, people will vote for the real Republican all the time." -- Harry S. Truman

Agreed, with one minor quibble about Gravel (0.00 / 0)
Gravel was not a serious candidate by any stretch of the imagination.  He ended up dropping out of the Democratic primaries and running as a Libertarian, at which point he openly admitted that he had only run as a Democrat to get into Democratic primary debates.

[ Parent ]
But was he serious about trying to win? (0.00 / 0)
It seems so.  I think you're confusing method with intent.  Gravel needed to et his voice heard in debates, so he ran as a Democrat in the primaries until he was unceremoniously shuffled off the stage.  But he ran for president throughout the campaign, proving that he really was making a conscious effort to win -- even though his odds of doing so were long.

"Given the choice between a Republican and someone who acts like a Republican, people will vote for the real Republican all the time." -- Harry S. Truman

[ Parent ]
Very interesting analysis for a very interesting race (0.00 / 0)
As I said yesterday, I think a Ford run would be much more entertaining than threatening; I just don't see how he could win.  Now his chances as an Independence candidate in the general are probably higher than in the Democratic primary; however, he for now seems intent on competing in the Democratic primary, and I'd say the odds are against him even in the general.

The question for me is that if he is doing this, he would have very little reason to do things like switch positions on marriage equality and try and proclaim his progressive bona fides on issues like choice, immigration and labor.

The thing is, I think Ford wants to compete in the Democratic primary first, but I think he's only matching Gillibrand's positions, not trying to outflank her to the left.  If he really wanted to make a play for the left he should've done something like come out for single payer/Medicare for All, but he hasn't done that (and we can all laugh at him if he does).

There is a space open for him on the left, currently occupied only by Jonathan Tasini (who was briefly mentioned on an MSNBC segment only to be laughed off by Chuck Todd).  But Ford would look foolish if he tries to go there and I think he knows that because he's not; he's only going to where Gillibrand is (and he already looks dumb enough doing that).  Ford might also be trying to pry some space open on Gillibrand's right; he's been vaguely skeptical of financial reform efforts on the basis that they would somehow hurt New Yorkers who depend on the financial services industry, though that could just be oafish parochialism.

Of course, this begs the question: What's Ford's rationale for his candidacy?  What does he offer that Gillibrand doesn't?  I'm not really sure what that is right now, which is why I don't think his chances of winning are very good.  He just doesn't seem to have a reason for running other than his own personal desire to be in the Senate.  And his public statements so far haven't been particularly enlightening: if anything he's been mostly on the defensive, which can't be a good way to open a Senate bid.

There is one very good thing that could come out of a Ford primary run.  Ford is counting on liberal dissatisfaction with Gillibrand to sort of level the playing field between him and her, as he can defensively claim that they're both dishonest panderers.  As the MSNBC clip above suggests, if this happens, the field is open for a true-blue liberal standard bearer to seize the race as the one true liberal candidate.  And that candidate can be Jonathan Tasini, who's currently slogging away with no chance of success in sight.

If Ford gets into the race, Tasini can use that to reenergize his campaign and say to voters, "Look at these two opportunistic centrists trying to masquerade as liberals.  I'm the one true honest-to-goodness lifelong liberal in the race and I'm also the underdog.  Vote for me and we'll send a message all over New York that authenticity and honesty DO matter."  And it might just work.  If Ford's entry into the race is what's needed to give Tasini's campaign that shot in the arm, then I'm all for him getting into the race.


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