The "war on drugs" is a war against abused children grown to adolescence or adulthood

by: Paul Rosenberg

Sat Feb 13, 2010 at 08:00


"[T]he war on drugs is actually waged against people that were abused from the moment they were born, or from an early age on. In other words, we're punishing people for having been abused." -  Dr. Gabor Maté, author of In the Realm of Hungry Ghosts: Close Encounters with Addiction

Viewed from just about any perspective, except building conservative hegemony, the "war on drugs" has been a spectacular failure.  There are more drugs, harder drugs, and more powerful criminal organizations behind them than there were when the "war on drugs" began.  Mass incarcerations have made us the world leader in imprisonment, but have failed to make a dent in the underlying problem. Mike Gray's short, incisive book, Drug Crazy: How We Got Into This Mess and How We Can Get Ou--written in 1998--did an excellent job of laying out the multi-faceted failure that the drug war has been.  But recently a new facet of failure has emerged, going right to the heart of the underlying rationale.  Newly-comprehended evidence now shows that hard-core addicts--the de facto front-line targets of the "war on drugs" are themselves overwhelmingly the victims of early childhood abuse.  Demonizing them, rather than empathizing and understanding them, so as to be able to actually help them, lies at the very heart of the "war on drugs."  It's time to put an end to that.  It's time for a war on the "war on drugs."  Last   week, a segment on Democracy Now helped explain why.

On Wednesday, Feb 3, Democracy Now did a segment, "In the Realm of Hungry Ghosts", with Dr. Gabor Maté, Physician at Vancouver Safe-Injection Site (the only such site in North America), on the Biological and Socio-Economic Roots of Addiction and ADD.  The segment title--derived from Buddhist psychology/metaphysics--comes from the title of his latest book, In the Realm of Hungry Ghosts: Close Encounters with Addiction, which proposes new approaches to treating addiction through an understanding of its biological and socio-economic roots. The segment was introduced thus:

Paul Rosenberg :: The "war on drugs" is a war against abused children grown to adolescence or adulthood
AMY GOODMAN: The Obama administration's budget proposal for the Office of National Drug Control Policy sets aside nearly twice the amount of funding for law enforcement and criminalization than for treatment and prevention of drug addiction. Out of a total of $15.5 billion, some $10 billion are used for enforcement. National Drug Control Policy Gil Kerlikowske praised the numbers as reflecting a "balanced and comprehensive drug strategy."

Well, just last year, the newly appointed drug czar and former Seattle police chief had called for an end to the so-called "war on drugs," raising hopes among advocates of harm-reduction approaches to curbing drug use. In an interview with the Wall Street Journal last May, Kerlikowske said, "People see a war as a war on them. We're not at war with people in this country."

Well, I'm joined right now here in the Democracy Now! studio by a doctor who has spent the last twelve years working with one of the densest populations of drug addicts in the world. Dr. Gabor Maté is the staff physician at the Portland Hotel, a residence and harm reduction facility in Vancouver, Canada's Downtown Eastside. Dr. Maté also treats addicts at the only safe-injection site in North America, a center that's come under fire from Canada's Conservative government led by Stephen Harper.

Dr. Gabor Maté is the bestselling author of four books. His latest, just out in the United States, is called In the Realm of Hungry Ghosts: Close Encounters with Addiction.

Obama's failure to deliver "change we can believe in" on the drug war front is more than just another routine disappointment, given what a spectacular failure the "war on drugs" has been.  But by now it should be perfectly clear that only social and political movements will bring about actual change we can believe in, as opposed to the logo-ized kind.  And a crucial component of movement-building is information-sharing.   So below, there's a few high-points of this interview, and what Dr. Maté is up to.

But first, a sidelight.  The story of how Vancouver came to have a safe injection site is a very interesting one, and it's woven into the CBC tv series, Da Vinci's Inquest, which ran from 1998 to 2005 in Canada, and now runs in syndication in various places in the US.  It's a damn good show.  The main character is based on Larry W. Campbell,, the former Chief Coronor, and former Mayor of Vancouver, British Columbia, who was chiefly responsible for establishing the safe injection site.  The series also had a recurring character, a young female addict, whom I was repeatedly reminded of while listening to the segment on Democracy Now. And now, back to reality:

First is the basics about the existence and functioning of the safe-injection site as a harm-reduction strategy:

AMY GOODMAN: Now, what do you mean, the only safe-injection site, the only legal injection site in North America? People inject heroin there?

DR. GABOR MATÉ: People are allowed to bring their drugs there. We don't provide them with their drugs. I think we should, but we don't. But they bring it in, and without fear of being arrested, they're allowed to inject, under supervision. And the staff, without being fear arrested, are allowed to help them inject in a safe way, give them clean needles, sterile swabs, and resuscitate them if they overdose. So, everywhere else in Canada or in the States, of course, these activities would all be illegal.

AMY GOODMAN: Why are they allowed to do this?

DR. GABOR MATÉ: Well, it was conceived in a moment of political openness, because so many people pass on infections, like HIV and hepatitis C, to one another through injection use, sharing needles. They infect themselves with bacteria from their skin by using dirty water. So it's a harm reduction measure that, in many studies, have been shown to reduce the burden of disease and also the economic costs attendant to addiction to society.

AMY GOODMAN: And do you find that addicts can actually heal themselves or perhaps be able to get off heroin more easily by injecting there?

DR. GABOR MATÉ: Well, the facility is not designed to treat addiction, per se; it's designed to reduce the harm from it. It's a harm reduction measure. What we do find, though, is that we have a detox facility on the second floor, which is where I've been working, and people come from the injection facility to detox, because they've been into- brought into contact with compassionate caregivers perhaps for the first time in their lives. These people all had very tough lives. And so, for them to even contemplate receiving help takes a lot of trust.

Reflecting back on hearing this segment, it's remarkable to hear someone talking so calmly and sensibly about drugs, when the norm is to be at least mildly hysterical.  IMHO, it's the undertone of hysteria, more than anything else, that keeps the drug war going.  Once you start talking about it without hysteria, it's impossible to ignore how crazy the whole thing is.  Why wouldn't you want to help addicts be as healthy as possible?  How could it possibly make things better to have more sick people in the world?  Like I said, crazy.

But something more, as well, which is revealed in the next interchange, discussing the nature of hardcore addicts, who are almost uniformly the product of childhood abuse:

AMY GOODMAN: Talk about the people you treat.

DR. GABOR MATÉ: Well, the hardcore drug addicts that I treat, but according to all studies in the States, as well, are, without exception, people who have had extraordinarily difficult lives. And the commonality is childhood abuse. In other words, these people all enter life under extremely adverse circumstances. Not only did they not get what they need for healthy development, they actually got negative circumstances of neglect. I don't have a single female patient in the Downtown Eastside who wasn't sexually abused, for example, as were many of the men, or abused, neglected and abandoned serially, over and over again.

And that's what sets up the brain biology of addiction. In other words, the addiction is related both psychologically, in terms of emotional pain relief, and neurobiological development to early adversity.

There was a bit of an aha! moment when I heard this.  Not so much about the addicts-it's not that surprising when you think about it-but about why people can't think straight about addicts and addiction.  It's simple, really:  addicts are walking reminders of our own intense vulnerability.  The childhood abuse that marked them for addiction could have happened to any of us.  And we don't want to think about that-or worse yet, experience that vulnerability subliminally, terrified by it without knowing why-not for a single second.  That's why it's so hard for most people to even think about addiction for a moment or two without starting to go a little crazy themselves.  It sucks into the fantasy of childhood horror that addicts actually experienced first hand-and we don't even know that it's happening... we just feel it, and it to go away-immediately.

Next, the title of the book is explained-and with it, a bridge is formed:

AMY GOODMAN: What does the title of your book mean, In the Realm of Hungry Ghosts?

DR. GABOR MATÉ: Well, it's a Buddhist phrase. In the Buddhists' psychology, there are a number of realms that human beings cycle through, all of us. One is the human realm, which is our ordinary selves. The hell realm is that of unbearable rage, fear, you know, these emotions that are difficult to handle. The animal realm is our instincts and our id and our passions.

Now, the hungry ghost realm, the creatures in it are depicted as people with large empty bellies, small mouths and scrawny thin necks. They can never get enough satisfaction. They can never fill their bellies. They're always hungry, always empty, always seeking it from the outside. That speaks to a part of us that I have and everybody in our society has, where we want satisfaction from the outside, where we're empty, where we want to be soothed by something in the short term, but we can never feel that or fulfill that insatiety from the outside. The addicts are in that realm all the time. Most of us are in that realm some of the time. And my point really is, is that there's no clear distinction between the identified addict and the rest of us. There's just a continuum in which we all may be found. They're on it, because they've suffered a lot more than most of us.

I really believe this is the key to getting sane about drug addiction-realizing that all of us have that experience of helpless, needy emptiness, to some degree, on a continuum.  And that makes perfect sense as well.  What makes us so sensitive to the fear and loathing that addiction triggers (whether we recognize it or not) is the fact that we, too, all of us, share something in common with the hard core addict, at the same time that we want to deny it more than anything in the world.

Now, of course, even if we're sane about it, drug addiction is a serious problem.  But it's made far more serious by our profoundly counter-productive ways of dealing with it.  If drugs weren't illegal, and therefore much more expensive than the cost of production warrants, there would be relatively little property crime associated with drug addiction.  And organized crime as a whole would be significantly weakened.  So getting sane about drug addiction would reap serious rewards right away-but it would still leave serious problems as well.  

And to tackle those, we need further understanding:

AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about the biology of addiction?

DR. GABOR MATÉ: For sure. You see, if you look at the brain circuits involved in addiction-and that's true whether it's a shopping addiction like mine or an addiction to opiates like the heroin addict-we're looking for endorphins in our brains. Endorphins are the brain's feel good, reward, pleasure and pain relief chemicals. They also happen to be the love chemicals that connect us to the universe and to one another.

Now, that circuitry in addicts doesn't function very well, as the circuitry of incentive and motivation, which involves the chemical dopamine, also doesn't function very well. Stimulant drugs like cocaine and crystal meth, nicotine and caffeine, all elevate dopamine levels in the brain, as does sexual acting out, as does extreme sports, as does workaholism and so on.

Now, the issue is, why do these circuits not work so well in some people, because the drugs in themselves are not surprisingly addictive. And what I mean by that is, is that most people who try most drugs never become addicted to them. And so, there has to be susceptibility there. And the susceptible people are the ones with these impaired brain circuits, and the impairment is caused by early adversity, rather than by genetics.

That's a key point there: "[M]ost people who try most drugs never become addicted to them."  It's the exact opposite of the whole "refer madness" fantasy, which, when you get right down to it, is the underlying subtext of entire drug war.  This fear-driven fantasy is utterly divorced from any sort of realist approach to problem solving.  Realism brings us back to science and understanding things in a way that naturally opens up the possibility of fixing what is broken.

AMY GOODMAN: What do you mean, "early adversity"?

DR. GABOR MATÉ: Well, the human brain, unlike any other mammal, for the most part develops under the influence of the environment. And that's because, from the evolutionary point of view, we developed these large heads, large fore-brains, and to walk on two legs we have a narrow pelvis. That means-large head, narrow pelvis-we have to be born prematurely. Otherwise, we would never get born. The head already is the biggest part of the body. Now, the horse can run on the first day of life. Human beings aren't that developed for two years. That means much of our brain development, that in other animals occurs safely in the uterus, for us has to occur out there in the environment. And which circuits develop and which don't depend very much on environmental input. When people are mistreated, stressed or abused, their brains don't develop the way they ought to. It's that simple. And unfortunately, my profession, the medical profession, puts all the emphasis on genetics rather than on the environment, which, of course, is a simple explanation. It also takes everybody off the hook.

This is the last main underlying point:  Identifying an experiential cause--as opposed to an immutable pre-determined one--makes the problem solvable.  And since the addict is largely helpless, it's our problem to solve it for them--at least up to the point where they have the capacity to begin developing independent agency.  Time enough, once they've escaped hard-core addiction, for them to turn around and help others.  This is a prime example of how liberalism--a belief in human agency and capacity to remake the world, fundamentally differs from conservativism's belief in fixed natures, fixed hierarchies, fixed boundaries.  When you think about it through this particular lens, it suddenly becomes clear that--quite contrary to what it claims, conservatism is away of evading responsibility:

AMY GOODMAN: What do you mean, it takes people off the hook?

DR. GABOR MATÉ: Well, if people's behaviors and dysfunctions are regulated, controlled and determined by genes, we don't have to look at child welfare policies, we don't have to look at the kind of support that we give to pregnant women, we don't have to look at the kind of non-support that we give to families, so that, you know, most children in North America now have to be away from their parents from an early age on because of economic considerations. And especially in the States, because of the welfare laws, women are forced to go find low-paying jobs far away from home, often single women, and not see their kids for most of the day. Under those conditions, kids' brains don't develop the way they need to.

And so, if it's all caused by genetics, we don't have to look at those social policies; we don't have to look at our politics that disadvantage certain minority groups, so cause them more stress, cause them more pain, in other words, more predisposition for addictions; we don't have to look at economic inequalities. If it's all genes, it's all-we're all innocent, and society doesn't have to take a hard look at its own attitudes and policies.

And once you do accept responsibility, you start to discover that, yes, you can solve problems that formally misconceived as insoluble:

AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about this whole approach of criminalization versus harm reduction, how you think addicts should be treated, and how they are, in the United States and Canada?

DR. GABOR MATÉ: Well, the first point to get there is that if people who become severe addicts, as shown by all the studies, were for the most part abused children, then we realize that the war on drugs is actually waged against people that were abused from the moment they were born, or from an early age on. In other words, we're punishing people for having been abused. That's the first point.
The second point is, is that the research clearly shows that the biggest driver of addictive relapse and addictive behavior is actually stress. In North America right now, because of the economic crisis, a lot of people are eating junk food, because junk foods release endorphins and dopamine in the brain. So that stress drives addiction.

Now imagine a situation where we're trying to figure out how to help addicts. Would we come up with a system that stresses them to the max? Who would design a system that ostracizes, marginalizes, impoverishes and ensures the disease of the addict, and hope, through that system, to rehabilitate large numbers? It can't be done. In other words, the so-called "war on drugs," which, as the new drug czar points out, is a war on people, actually entrenches addiction deeply. Furthermore, it institutionalizes people in facilities where the care is very-there's no care. We call it a "correctional" system, but it doesn't correct anything. It's a punitive system. So people suffer more, and then they come out, and of course they're more entrenched in their addiction than they were when they went in.

And by the way, according to many studies, the easiest place to get drugs is in prisons-and in schools, by the way. These are the two areas where you can get drugs in North America: the schools and the prisons. So that it makes no sense from any point of view. It serves some people, perhaps, with entrenched interests, but it does not serve the addict, nor does it serve society.

And I could tell you something else about that. A patient of mine with a $50 cocaine habit a day, which is not excessive, how does he raise money to be able to afford those drugs? By shoplifting. To reach $50 a day, he has to shoplift $500 worth of goods. Who pays for that? The social cost is way beyond the cost of law enforcement.

Indeed.  Sanity pays.  It pays dividends to us all.  But first we must face our own shadows.


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Wow, that's the best insight & framing on this I've ever heard (4.00 / 5)
It calls for us to be civilized and to use science and reality in the face of something that is very difficult to control and understand.  The Hungry Ghosts frame is outstanding and Dr. Mate does a great job explaining it.

With one in six children being a victim of sexual abuse at some point before the age of 18 as well as the ongoing poverty and community and school failures in our cities and towns, a hard look at the environmental issues surrounding substance abuse issues is long overdue.  


Just to be clear after reading William's post below... (0.00 / 0)
When I refer to community and school failures I'm referring to blue collar suburbs and rural towns as well as the traditional inner city and working class neighborhood.  

[ Parent ]
The sins of the fathers (4.00 / 4)
In the Sixties, the wise men of the Establishment, when talking about dysfunctional families, usually reserved their pufferies for what used to be called the underprivileged, meaning the poor, especially the non-white poor. It was amazing to me even at the time -- I was much younger then -- how much disdain could drip even from supposedly good liberals Like Daniel Moynihan, when discussing such people, who were people like us after all, despite their circumstances. You could see this truth easily if you lived among them, and were willing to see it, but seemingly no one with any authority allowed themselves to look.

The truth as I saw and experienced it was that middle class families had just as many fault lines running through them, and created just as many casualties among their children. In those days -- those halcyon days of the Fifties and Sixties -- this was a consequence, largely unintended, of aspiring to achieve or retain middle-class status after the economic devastation of the Depression. It wasn't just the new house in the shining, but arid wastelands of the suburbs, or the car which began with Sunday drives in the country, and ended up spinning family members in all directions. It was also the Victorian conceptual framework which underlay the very idea of a middle class.

It encompassed everything from table manners to the formal furniture in the living room to the impossible ideas of duty and propriety -- sexual propriety especially -- which were supposed to give children a leg up in the world, but in actuality oppressed them, sometimes to the point of either savagery or schizophrenia. It was also in mortal conflict with the sheep-like society of corporate wage-earners which we were simultaneously creating in the city offices where most of the fathers -- and later mothers as well --were forced to earn their livings. People noticed -- think Rebel Without a Cause, or The Organization Man, but in retrospect, it doesn't seem that they actually understood what was happening to them.

Fifty years on, we still haven't understood. The middle class has fractured under the stress, particularly the assault on its income engineered by Reaganite true believers beginning in the Eighties, and the pieces have drifted away from one another, but it was under threat long before that. Just as the urban poor have given rise to gun-toting gangstas, the suburban middle-classes, now no longer exclusively white, have given rise to soul-dead rent seekers like David Brooks, or Arne Duncan. I'm not sure which is worse.

Wherever we go from here, there's no doubt at all in my mind that we need a fundamentally new social contract, one which not only acknowledges our real history, but is also able to make intelligent, and useful distinctions between the advantages and disadvantages of a post-industrial corporate society. The mythologies which govern us at the moment are worse than useless. Despite all the piety wasted on them, these mythologies cause actual, measurable damage to everyone who grows up in their shadow, damage which will pursue us relentlessly through the generations until we finally face our own complicity in maintaining it.


Gee, William, You're Cheery This Morning (4.00 / 1)
And I was trying so hard to be subliminally upbeat with my ending!

Reading your comment, I was reminded of a book I reviewed when it came out in 1998, Cold New World: Growing Up in a Harder Country.  The Publishers Weekly review (not mine, I'm almost positive) said:

Finnegan, a staff writer for the New Yorker, here functions as both a messenger and as a journalist His message is that America is raising a new generation of young people shaped by an "oppressive sense of reduced possibilities." If that phrase smacks of sociological jargon, the book itself does not because of Finnegan's unobtrusive reportorial style that combines intuition with insight and fieldwork. While in the past 25 years poverty among the elderly has dropped by more than 50%, it has increased by 37% among children, notes the author. To find out what that means in human terms, he met with young people in four impoverished or lower-middle-class communities: the black slums of New Haven, Conn.; rural San Augustine County in Texas; the Yakima Valley in Washington, where the economy relies on underpaid Mexican labor; and Antelope Valley in California, a distant suburb of Los Angeles caught up in a struggle between warring bands of teenage skinheads. From each community, Finnegan draws vivid portraits of individuals caught between a sense of despair that they can never achieve the good life and an almost utopian dream that they can somehow break through to the middle class. The struggle between gangs is probably the most arresting section of the book, but the level of grim insight throughout will disturb the optimism of a healthy economy supposedly reflected in Wall Street's rising numbers. This book is a vibrant eye-opener.

I think you're quite right when you say:

People noticed -- think Rebel Without a Cause, or The Organization Man, but in retrospect, it doesn't seem that they actually understood what was happening to them.

and Cold New World is another dot that connects 40 years later, making things a little clearer on that count.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Morituri te salutamus (4.00 / 1)
I don't mind upbeat, in fact I welcome it, but I also require that it square with what I already know. If there's anything I hate, it's the well-meaning folks who try to blow smoke up my ass, especially when they aren't aware that they're doing it. There's a special place in Hell reserved for folks like our President, or Arne Duncan, I figure. They ought to know better, but don't. In my book, that's far worse than being senile, like David Broder, or being pure evil from the 10th Dimension, like Dick Cheney. (It's a damned good thing that God hasn't assigned me to the task of taking reservations for the Netherworld. I'm afraid I'd be very capricious about who went where.)

Anyway, Paul, of all the writers on the left that I read regularly, you seem to me to be the most ambitious, the most eclectic, and the most durable. If you're also the most optimistic, I have no complaint. At least I know that it's not because you haven't looked into the darkness.

Consider me encouraged.


[ Parent ]
Excellent Point s (4.00 / 3)
Fifty years on, we still haven't understood. The middle class has fractured under the stress, particularly the assault on its income engineered by Reaganite true believers beginning in the Eighties, and the pieces have drifted away from one another, but it was under threat long before that. Just as the urban poor have given rise to gun-toting gangstas, the suburban middle-classes, now no longer exclusively white, have given rise to soul-dead rent seekers like David Brooks, or Arne Duncan. I'm not sure which is worse.

The collapse of good manufacturing and skilled trade jobs (or the complete devolution of a skilled trade to building and construction jobs in the eighties and nineties)was the final hammer blow on an already brittle foundation.  All of a sudden there are no jobs with wage levels that enable you to afford the type of house or town you grew up in without going to college and most likely moving away.

All the forms and propriety that mom and grandma were so insistent on now amount to nothing.  Might as well just get high, hang out with your buds and maybe deal or produce meth to make ends meet.

Or if you've got it together move to Brooklyn and become a hipster and fight with the Hasidic over forms and propriety and push working class families out of their neighborhoods while extolling the virtues of the creative class --- which by the way is an extremely important concept.

That's the cycle we're in.  


[ Parent ]
well said (0.00 / 0)
lyrically said

worthy of it's own series of diaries


[ Parent ]
I wonder, from reading Dr. Mate's comments, to what extent we do (3.20 / 5)
addicts a disservice by attempting to categorize addiction as a "disease." Perhaps along the lines of Ethan Watter's excellent arguments in "The Americanization of Mental Illness," we are, with the "disease" understanding, rather than beneficently scientificizing the problems of the addict, instead pushing the addict further into society's margins. So we're in fact adding stigma, as it were, while claiming to oh so nobly ameliorate it.


Personhood (4.00 / 5)
people come from the injection facility to detox, because they've been into- brought into contact with compassionate caregivers perhaps for the first time in their lives. These people all had very tough lives.

The idea that we are all full and equal persons is a powerful one. It is the core progressive idea.

Crime is a policy area that is so completely infused with the dark alliance between neo-conservatism and neo-liberalism.  That is why it should be a primary target of attack for progressives who are interested in transforming our politics.

Elites are far more punitive than the populace at large - they might be ok with a severely punitive approach to dealing with violent crime and drug trafficking, but elites use these images to support punitive policies against drug users, low level drug sellers, and parole violators. It is also an area where people with principled libertarian tendencies can be wedged away from the neos.  

This piece reminds me of Marc Mauer's argument about the difference in how we treat different classes of drug users. Middle class, suburban high school students who develop a drug problem will likely be sent by the parents to get treatment. The idea that they would report their child to the policy is crazy.  Yet if that student is poor, a person of color, from the inner city, then our polity says the only thing they will understand is being locked up (and therefore likely denied treatment.)  If we saw both kids as fully human, wouldn't we treat them the same?

Thanks for this, Paul.  

Politics is the art of the possible, but that means you have to think about changing what is possible, not that you have to accept it in perpetuity.


With Liberty And Xanax For All (4.00 / 2)
Middle class, suburban high school students who develop a drug problem will likely be sent by the parents to get treatment. The idea that they would report their child to the policy is crazy.

Naturally, the parents don't panic.  They do just as you said, then re-up on Xanax.  Cue "Mother's Little Helper."

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
HA! (4.00 / 3)
Double standards make more sense when you realize that many apparent universal statements are really only be applied to certain groups of people.  

Politics is the art of the possible, but that means you have to think about changing what is possible, not that you have to accept it in perpetuity.

[ Parent ]
By the way (4.00 / 1)
the NYT just editorialized in favor of the Webb crime commission bill, that recently made it out of committee.  Since it actually has some Republican support in the Senate, it has a chance of passing (even if, as is likely, there will be no support from the WH on this.)

I'd love to see an effort to pressure the rest of the Democratic caucus in the Senate to get on board.  It has 35 co-sponsors (3 are Republicans).  

Politics is the art of the possible, but that means you have to think about changing what is possible, not that you have to accept it in perpetuity.


Good Point (0.00 / 0)
And worth following up on, too.  

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3

[ Parent ]
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