Another day brings another lecture on negotiating strategy from Big Tent Democrat. Once again, we are told that the right-wing of the party has received more concessions in health reform negotiations because right-wing Democrats were more willing to defeat the whole bill than were progressive Democrats:
The question was how to bargain with the people who wanted a bill passed (the White House) to maximize your bargaining position. Unfortunately, that required being willing to do something progressives simply were not willing to do - create the real possibility that no bill would be passed because of their opposition. Without that commitment, the progressives were sure to be the first rolled. And they were.
Well, duh. As though this is some kind of deep insight that has escaped the feeble mental powers of the "village bloggers" that Big Tent Democrat so loathes and stands so superior over.
Since we are in the business of stating the obvious, let me state something else that is obvious: it order to be the party more willing defeat the bill if your demands are not met, then your base of support needs to be more willing to defeat the bill if your demands are not met. No matter how easy it is to be cynical, political power still flows from appropriate leveraging of popular support rather than some Nietzschean struggle over the will to power.
A necessary condition for the success of the Progressive Block strategy is for voters in the districts of Progressive Block members to demand the defeat of legislation more than voters in districts of Regressive Block members. With, at most, 17-18% of the country (that is the highest number ever recorded in any poll on the subject) demanding health reform legislation be defeated (not just improved, but actually defeated) from the left, lefties demanding the defeat of health reform legislation fail to form a majority of even the Democratic primary electorate in any House district in the entire country. That such voters form a minority of the primary electorate in every single district in the country provides a willing Democratic leadership with enormous leverage over Democrats who seek, or threaten, to defeat the bill from the left. And yes, we are dealing with a White House that is willing to crush Congressional Progressives who cross them.
Now, since the majority of Democratic primary voters in every district in the country want to pass health reform legislation, there is an opportunity to put real pressure on right-wing Democrats who are extorting demands out of the health reform legislation. However, the White House has taken a complete pass when it comes to pressuring right-wing Democrats in such a fashion. Further, not a single left-wing group has declared it will run primary challenges against right-wing Democrats who vote against health reform legislation overall. (Primaries for opposing the public option, yes. Primaries for opposing health reform overall, no). This means there is effectively no pressure on right-wing Democrats to pass the bill, and only pressure on right-wing Democrats has come from corporate groups, large donors, right-wing media, tea partiers, and red district voters to defeat it.
To repeat: no matter how easy it is to be cynical, political power still flows from appropriate leveraging of popular support rather than some Nietzschean struggle over the will to power. Popular support for killing the bill if it lacked a public option never rose to the level necessary to overcome a Democratic leadership willing to leverage the Democratic electorate against the Progressive members demanding a public option. At the same time, popular support among Democrats for passing the health reform bill without right-wing demands was never leveraged against the Democrats making those right-wing demands. Those two dynamics were at the very heart of the Progressive Block negotiation, and why it ultimately failed.
(Note: The level of opposition to health reform because it does not go far enough is actually very impressive. This is the case even if, at most, it only rose to 17-18% of the population. Just over one-sixth national support for a position like that is quite an achievement for the lefty organizations and media outlets who were advocating that position, given both the resources of the opposition groups they faced and the historically low percentage of Americans who say Democrats are not left-wing enough. I personally was no longer engaged those efforts as of late September, focusing instead on other, different, strategies which also didn't work very well.)
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