| [Note: Because of the relatively small sample sizes, I have included the sample size of each column in the bottom row for each decade, italicized to help make it visiaully distinct]
1950s: 300 respondents:
| 1950s White South: Party ID By Income Percentile | Party ID (with leaners) | 0-16 | 17- 33 | 34- 67 | 68-95 | 96-100 | All | | Democrats | 70.3 | 79.6 | 93.3 | 87.6 | 83.3 | 82.0 | | Independents | 11.0 | 3.7 | 3.3 | 1.1 | 0.0 | 5.0 | | Republicans | 18.7 | 16.7 | 3.3 | 11.2 | 16.7 | 13.0 | | Col Tot Rs | 91 | 54 | 60 | 89 | 6 | 300 |
With so few respondent's this distribution is impressionistic at best. Clearly, though, there are high levels of Democratic identification at all income levels among White Southerners at this time.
1960s: 1669 respondents:
| 1960s White South: Party ID By Income Percentile | Party ID (with leaners) | 0-16 | 17- 33 | 34- 67 | 68-95 | 96-100 | All | | Democrats | 65.9 | 70.6 | 68.7 | 63.1 | 60.0 | 66.6 | | Independents | 11.8 | 9.2 | 11.8 | 11.8 | 10.6 | 11.2 | | Republicans | 22.3 | 20.2 | 19.5 | 25.1 | 29.4 | 22.2 | | Col Tot Rs | 323 | 337 | 482 | 442 | 85 | 1669 |
We see a relative flat distribution of Democratic identification at all income levels among White Southerners, averaging in the high 60s at this time, but with about a 5% break above the 66th percentile.
1970s: 1904 respondents:
| 1970s White South: Party ID By Income Percentile | Party ID (with leaners) | 0-16 | 17- 33 | 34- 67 | 68-95 | 96-100 | All | | Democrats | 57.4 | 57.2 | 57.6 | 52.7 | 52.7 | 56.1 | | Independents | 19.3 | 19.6 | 17.6 | 14.0 | 8.1 | 17.0 | | Republicans | 23.3 | 23.2 | 24.8 | 33.3 | 39.2 | 26.8 | | Col Tot Rs | 352 | 306 | 722 | 450 | 74 | 1904 |
We see a relative flat distribution of Democratic identification at all income levels among White Southerners, averaging in the high 50s at this time-about 10 points lower than the decade before-but with a much clearer 5% break above the 66th percentile.
1980s: 1870 respondents:
| 1980s White South: Party ID By Income Percentile | Party ID (with leaners) | 0-16 | 17- 33 | 34- 67 | 68-95 | 96-100 | All | | Democrats | 54.5 | 58.3 | 52.8 | 47.0 | 35.1 | 51.5 | | Independents | 16.8 | 14.3 | 15.3 | 15.3 | 9.0 | 14.9 | | Republicans | 28.7 | 27.4 | 32.1 | 37.7 | 56.0 | 33.6 | | Col Tot Rs | 310 | 350 | 636 | 438 | 134 | 1870 |
We now see a clear peak in the 17-33 percentile, with about a 5 point drop-off in each of the next two groups.
1990s: 1869 respondents:
| 1990s White South: Party ID By Income Percentile | Party ID (with leaners) | 0-16 | 17- 33 | 34- 67 | 68-95 | 96-100 | All | | Democrats | 49.7 | 52.9 | 43.9 | 38.2 | 17.6 | 44.0 | | Independents | 19.9 | 16.5 | 10.4 | 10.8 | 13.5 | 13.5 | | Republicans | 30.1 | 30.6 | 45.7 | 51.2 | 68.9 | 42.5 | | Col Tot Rs | 356 | 333 | 588 | 518 | 74 | 1869 |
We see a pattern similar to the 1980s, but with an even sharper drop-off above the 33rd percentile.
2000s: 1091 respondents:
| 2000s White South: Party ID By Income Percentile | Party ID (with leaners) | 0-16 | 17- 33 | 34- 67 | 68-95 | 96-100 | All | | Democrats | 54.5 | 47.9 | 35.7 | 33.7 | 20.5 | 39.7 | | Independents | 10.2 | 16.3 | 14.1 | 6.3 | 9.1 | 11.5 | | Republicans | 35.3 | 35.8 | 50.4 | 60.0 | 69.3 | 48.8 | | Col Tot Rs | 187 | 215 | 347 | 255 | 88 | 1091 |
The pattern is now completely monotonic-the poorest whites are the most Democratic, with levels of Democratic support declining with each group as income goes up.
1950s-2000s: 8703 respondents:
| 1950s-2000s White South: Party ID By Income Percentile | Party ID (with leaners) | 0-16 | 17- 33 | 34- 67 | 68-95 | 96-100 | All | | Democrats | 57.3 | 58.9 | 53.6 | 49.5 | 37.8 | 53.4 | | Independents | 15.9 | 14.6 | 13.8 | 11.6 | 9.6 | 13.6 | | Republicans | 26.8 | 26.5 | 32.5 | 38.9 | 52.6 | 33.0 | | Col Tot Rs | 1619 | 1595 | 2836 | 2192 | 460 | 8703 |
Because this covers such a long period of dramatic change, this table really tells us very little, but is included for the sake of completeness. |