Rasmussen vs non-Rasmussen Senate forecast

by: Chris Bowers

Thu May 27, 2010 at 09:43


How much is Rasmussen polling influencing the outlook on the 2010 Senate elections?  To find out, I produced updated three forecasts this morning: one without any Rasmussen polls, one with only Rasmussen polls, and one with all polls.  Here are the results:

The 22 Senate seats that might switch partisan control
The chart below looks only at current primary campaign leaders.  Campaigns where incumbent party currently leads by 18.5% or more are considered "safe," and not listed.
State No Rasmussen Rasmussen All Polls
Connecticut D 20.0 D 8.0 D 14.3
Oregon None D 13.5 D 13.5
Wisconsin D 14.5 D 7.5 D 10.5
California D 7.0 D 5.5 D 7.0
Washington R 3.0 D 2.0 D 3.0
Ohio D 3.5 R 2.0 D 2.0
Pennnsylvania R 2.7 D 1.0 R 1.2
Colorado D 1.5 R 6.0 R 2.0
Nevada D 1.5 R 14.0 R 3.3
North Carolina R 3.5 R 13.0 R 4.5
Illinois R 6.5 R 6.0 R 6.5
Missouri Even R 7.0 R 7.0
South Carolina R 7.0 None R 7.0
Arizona* D 1.0 R 12.5 R 8.5
Kentucky R 2.0 R 17.0 R 9.3
Florida I 5.7 R 2.0 I 2.6
Iowa R 15.0 R 16.0 R 11.0
New Hampshire R11.0 R 12.5 R 11.0
Indiana R 8.0 R 18.0 R 15.5
Arkansas R 16.5 R 26.0 R 20.0
Delaware R 15.0 R 22.0 R 20.5
North Dakota R None R 47.0 R 47.0
Methodology
* = In Arizona, I am currently projecting J.D. Hayworth to be the Republican nominee

Here are the projected Democratic seat totals for all three of these forecasts:

  • No Rasmussen: 54.37
  • Only Rasmussen: 51.69
  • All polls: 52.49
At first glance, Rasmussen appears to be weighing down the projection quite a bit.  The overall forecast (52.49 Dems) is significantly closer to the Rasmussen-only projection (51.69 Dems) than to the non-Rasmussen projection (54.37 Dems).

For the 19 campaigns where there is a comparative trend, the Rasmussen poll average shows Republicans performing much better than the average of all other polls.  The median pro-Republican house effect is 7.0%, and the mean is 6.4%.  The difference is by no means consistent, as Rasmussen actually shows Democrats performing better in Pennsylvania and Washington than do other polls, and about the same as other polls in California, Iowa and Illinois.  As such, just tacking on 6.4%, or 7.0%, to the Democratic candidate in Rasmussen polls would not likely increase the accuracy of an election forecast.

Personally, I am still going to stick with the average of all polls, for now.  In the meantime, I will be conducting some research to see if weighting polls by "house effect" would have produced more accurate forecasting results in the 2004, 2006 and 2008 elections.  If it does, then I will start weighting polls by house effects.  If it does not, then I won't.

Chris Bowers :: Rasmussen vs non-Rasmussen Senate forecast

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broken record (4.00 / 2)
I'm a broken record on this but why not revisit your methodology rule 8:

"Further, if there is more than one poll from a single organization, include all of them. (The more polls, the better)."

While I agree with the general principle of including as many polls as possible, Rasmussen does so many more polls that their methodological choices/biases end up becoming your own, especially for certain races.

As it gets closer to election day there should be more polling. If you include only the most recent 1 poll from each organization, no one methodology will dominate the results. Another possibility, if there is enough polling on a race, would be to include the most recent two polls from each survey firm.  That would be possible if there's at least 2 (or 3?) firms that have done multiple polls within your time frame window.


that's certainly dramatic (4.00 / 1)
I doubt that 2004-2008 can really tell you much about house effects. I would like to know if in 2004 Republicans as a whole did better than the average suggested and if 2006 and 2008 Democrats did better. That is, is it really true that competitive elections "break" in the same direction more than pre-election polls reveal?

The other question is whether there is any value in trying to correct for house effects five months out?  Surely campaigns matter, and if so, they will change the answers by as much or more than any one pollster can affect the answer.  It would be interesting to quantify (standard deviation?) how much the margins change from an early poll average.

I would say you should keep your method and periodically produce a post like this comparing Rasmussen to others. You can always link in each roundup back to the comparison post.



New Jersey politics at Blue Jersey.


This would be a good approach for another reason... (4.00 / 1)
There seems to be a trend with Ras always having the Rs strong early and then correcting to reality as election time draws near.  The early polls are done to set narratives and the late polls are done for accuracy (ultimately it is in Ras' best interest to be right in the end - or at least to try and be right).  Doing what Hopeful says here, say every couple weeks, would allow this to be quantified.  It would also be interesting to know if this trend occurred in 2004-2008.  Did Ras start out more pro R in 2004-2008 and then tack back to reality come Nov?  Based on fladem's post below, it looks like it happened in state Pres polls in 2008 with Ras (so long as I am reading the table correctly).  

[ Parent ]
new Rasmussen Wisconsin poll (0.00 / 0)
They seem determined to move that average to more thsn 7%:

http://www.rasmussenreports.co...

A new Rasmussen Reports telephone survey of Likely Voters in Wisconsin shows Feingold with 46% support to Johnson's 44%. Three percent (3%) prefer some other candidate, and six percent (6%) remain undecided.

Also have the Republican in the lead for governor:

http://www.rasmussenreports.co...

Milwaukee County Executive Scott Walker, coming off last weekend's state Republican Convention endorsement, now holds a slight lead over Democratic opponent Tom Barrett after the two ran virtually even a month ago in the contest for Wisconsin governor.

A new Rasmussen Reports telephone survey of Likely Voters in the state finds Walker with 48% support to Barrett's 41%. Three percent (3%) like some other candidate, and eight percent (8%) are undecided.



New Jersey politics at Blue Jersey.

2008 Pollster Performance (4.00 / 1)
The table below shows the performance of the different polling organizations in 2008.  Only polling of State results is shown.

The error is the absolute error, and is calculated by looking at the difference between the predicted margin and the final margin.  Div/O means the pollster didn't poll in the time frame.

The last 3 weeks of the 2008 campaign were the most stable I have ever seen since I began tracking state polls in Presidential Elections in 1992.

Photobucket


Not sure historical analysis will help (4.00 / 2)
Rasmussen has always had a Republican bias, but I never recall it being anything like this strong in the past. They seem to have changed their business model around 2008, from producing accurate polls to producing ammunition for client's propaganda. Producing no late polls of the primary races last week is pretty telling. The new business model seems to be working for them, based on the number of polls they are producing (and presumably getting paid for). Just another example that the "free market" frequently rewards lies and distortions over honest information.

Don't print polls from trolls (0.00 / 0)
Don't buy books from crooks -- it rewards deception and fraud.

Don't broadcast the results of polls from trolls who have a pretty obvious bias against us.


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