Measuring the Religious Right in New Jersey

by: Xpatriated Texan

Wed Nov 07, 2007 at 16:50


The good thing about being a political scientist in New Jersey is that there is always plenty of work.  Having our state elections in odd years guarantees that election season starts about the time the counting of votes stops.  I'm not saying it makes for a better or more efficient government, but it makes for busier poli sci folks.

This year's election held a big suprise.  It wasn't in the State Assembly (where it looks like Dems lost between one and three seats but retained control) or State Senate (they picked up one seat), though.  It was in defeating two of the ballot questions - the first time since 1990 a ballot measure was defeated.  But the fate of two questions gives me an opportunity to get a rough measure of the dedicated religious right in New Jersey.  Click on through to the other side.

Xpatriated Texan :: Measuring the Religious Right in New Jersey
The second question (the first question was about taxes, and I'm ignoring it for this analysis) asked for voter approval to issue $450 million in bonds to be dedicated for building a stem-cell research facility.  It failed, by a vote of 592,961 to 675,978.  The third question was asking for voter approval to issue bonds in the amount of $200 million to preserve farmland and greenspaces.  It passed by a vote of 670,336 to 580,095.

There exists, in New Jersey (as in most places), a coalition of interests that can be depended upon to vote against almost all bond issuances.  Truely conservative fiscal types, for example, almost always oppose bonds.  Then there are the neo-libertarian types who just don't trust the government with the money (even if they think it's a good cause).  But those two groups would have voted against both ballot measures.

The seven percent difference in the two questions was enough to swing the outcome.  What difference is there between using funds for stem cells and using funds to buy open land?  It's the third part of the Republican coalition generally known as the "Religious Right".  I put the term in quotes there to indicate that I'm not talking about the organized political arm of religion - Dobson, Falwell, and Robertson types.  I'm talking about the guy (or gal) who is sitting in the pew on Sunday and wondering if there is any reason to err on the side of using public funds for stem cells.

In a way, it was an issue of mobilization - which is always the case, but especially in odd-year elections with no "Title Bout".  The Religious Right actually contacted people and urged them to oppose the ballot measure.  I did't see a single commercial or mailer urging me to support it.  Supposedly, our governor sunk $200,000 of his own money into convincing people to approve it, but it was money out the window as far as I'm concerned. 

To the extent that my hypothesis is true, then the "Religious Right" in New Jersey has a core of about 100,000 voters - the rough difference in the votes between the two questions.  This does not mean, of course, that all religious voters went that way or that the remaining voters aren't religious in some way.  It doesn't mean anything other than there are about 100,000 people in New Jersey that will vote against stem cells but for open space.

It isn't much.  But if it holds for larger turnouts, then seven percent is large enough to turn a sleeper into a close race and to turn the results of a close race.  But that is true only if they are a swing constituency - and they are not.  These people are not going to vote Democratic unless the Democrats surrender support of women's rights.  It is a fool's errand for Democrats to try to appeal to these voters.  They may or may not consider themselves "Republican", but they are "conservative".  But if even 100,000 progressive faithful can be rallied in New Jersey (that didn't already vote), then we have a model for negating the influence of the Religious Right in electoral politics. 

But the small size of the group goes to another contention that I've made repeatedly through the last several years.  There is no way that only seven percent of the population of New Jersey is "religious".  This means that there is some large number of voters who have some religious nature in their being that are not cornered away from our reach.  If we use 80% as a reasonable number for people of all faiths, and 7% are on the Right, then that leaves 73% of the population who might be responsive to speaking about the religious basis of political values. 

Of course, not all of the 73% would be responsive to progressive messaging for a variety of reason.  Since there was absolutely no outreach among the faith communities in support of question 2, we can't know how many progressive faith folks might have turned out if they'd been asked and given a moral reason to do so. 

It could also be that this 7% identified here are the "new religious right" - those religious conservatives who are Jim Wallis' target audience who will support green initiatives if asked to do so. 

There are, ultimately, a thousand implications that can be taken from these numbers.  But it looks like, at very least, there is some justification for calling this a fair stick of measurement.


Tags: , , , (All Tags)
Print Friendly View Send As Email
I Have A Question About Your Numbers (0.00 / 0)
You say:

If we use 80% as a reasonable number for people of all faiths, and 7% are on the Right, then that leaves 73% of the population who might be responsive to speaking about the religious basis of political values.

But isn't it reasonable to assume that a good chunk of that 73% is among the other two groups that vote against all bond measures?  I'm not saying there aren't a lot of religious people we can reach (I spent most of the 80s in Central American solidarity work, and the majority of folks I worked with were religious).  But I think the 73% figure is amorphously too big.

OTOH, I think the 7% figure is a good one.  But I'm not quite sure what it's good for.  When you say:

It could also be that this 7% identified here are the "new religious right" - those religious conservatives who are Jim Wallis' target audience who will support green initiatives if asked to do so.

That seems to make some sense, since they voted for open space.  But voting against stem cells is pretty hard-core right, since support for stem cell research is generally in supermajority territory.  OTOH, if they were only hearing one side of the argument....

So, you see why I think it's in an intriguing figure, but I'm not quite sure we can pin it down yet.

"Senate passes expanded GI bill despite Bush, McCain opposition"


I agree (0.00 / 0)
that we can't pin it down - and that is some of the reason for the scatteredness of the post (the other reason is that I'm scattered and didn't take time to edit).

I'm positive that a good chunk of the 73% are in the other two groups.  But I'm just as positive that not all of them are.  I just don't have the data to begin whittling that group down to a usable number.

To the point about the "new religious right":
  I don't buy the meme that the new religious right is that different because they want to hug a few trees.  They are going to vote pro-life when given the chance.  They might not try to launch a campaign about it, but they will pitch in when they can. 

  The difference from the old religious right is that they (the new RR) can be our allies in limited instances.  But don't count on them to buck pro-lifers.  When choosing a candidate, such choices get balanced by each individual voter in their vote.  Here, we have an example where the two were separate choices.

  The thing is, if it is only 7% of the electorate, is it worthwhile to go through all the torture that Wallis wants us to go through to save a few trees?  Well, if they are positioned to be the swing voters, then it might be.  But if the swing is 12% (either way), then it really isn't.

  More than anything, I think it (potentially) shows that there are small, but significant, splinters in faith communities that can be worth reaching out to - and this is even more true as the faith community becomes more progressive and more fully shares our political values.  What I can't tell is how many people might be in such a group that aren't already with us.

  Data limitations suck.


[ Parent ]
Thanks For The Clarifications (4.00 / 1)
I think this was key for me:

The thing is, if it is only 7% of the electorate, is it worthwhile to go through all the torture that Wallis wants us to go through to save a few trees?

It's basically just another variation of the perennial insistence that progressives have to sacrifice their principles for mythical swing voters who somehow almost never manage to show up.

I know that Wallis has a highly product-differentiated way of making this tired old pitch.  But underneath it all, the basic pitch is still the same.  Ten years ago, maybe, I didn't mind so much, because he said some very good things on the issues, and no one much paid attention to him in terms of political strategy.  But now he's become a major pain in the ass.  And, as you point out, the numbers just aren't there except when the you get the right set of circumstances--as this pair of initiatives could well be showing us.

"Senate passes expanded GI bill despite Bush, McCain opposition"


[ Parent ]
Donate to Open Left









QUICK HITS

Friends of the Earth thanks the OpenLeft community for the ideas you generate and your contributions to the progressive movement.


blog advertising is good for you
blog advertising is good for you
SEARCH

   

Advanced Search