| Conservative Spending Preferences
As can be seen in the chart just below, when it comes to domestic spending preferences, there is little in the way of regional differences among conservatives as well:
Domestic Spending Preferences
Of Conservatives By Region | | | Northeast | Midwest | South | West | MUCH TOO LITTLE
5-8 Items Net | 12.7 | 13.4 | 14.5 | 12.6 | TOO LITTLE
1-4 Items Net | 52.9 | 51.8 | 50.7 | 52.9 | ABOUT RIGHT
Net | 12.2 | 10.7 | 11.1 | 9.7 | TOO MUCH
1-8 Items Net | 22.3 | 24.2 | 23.8 | 24.8 |
Again, we check the Mountain West in contrast to the Pacific Coast, and find only a superficially noticable differnce on the top line (more spending for 5-8 items), but no significant difference overall: there are still more conservatives who favor spending more (with numbers in the 60s) compared to those who favor spending less (with numbers in the 20s).
Domestic Spending Preferences
Among Conservatives
Within The West | | | MOUNTAIN | PACIFIC | MUCH TOO LITTLE
5-8 Items Net | 9.8 | 13.9 | TOO LITTLE
1-4 Items Net | 53.1 | 52.8 | ABOUT RIGHT
Net | 10.9 | 9.2 | TOO MUCH
1-8 Items Net | 26.2 | 24.1 |
Discussion
What I take all the above to mean is that support for domestic spending that Huckabee expresses from a conservative point of view has other sources of support among conservatives apart from his religious background. The further conclusion is that there are potentially ways to appeal to conservatives on spending issues that may not require negotiating with aspects of his cultural background that would compromise core Democratic values and/or harm core Democratic constituencies. This is a restatement of Shaller's key argument: Democrats should not try to build their national campaigns and overall political strategy around appealing to our political adversaries. Appealing as it may be to have Huckabee exposing contradictions that have long simmered in the heart of Southern conservative red America, this is not necessarily where we should focus our attention, and it should not be the template that we force everything else into.
Rather, as Schaller argues in Whistling Past Dixie, there are culturally and geographically specific facts that argue for a diversified approach to developing winning policies throughout the West. When it comes to spending issues in general, the broad point should be made that we should look for opportunities that can become signature issues. Some examples include:
(1) Rural broadband access as a 21st Century follow-on to rural electrification.
(2) Aggressive federal/state/local cooperation in fighting the specific impacts of global warming, starting with a major initiative against wildfire dangers-since it is something that dramatically affects large areas across the entire West.
(3) A sustained investment policy in a wide-ranging plan for alternative energy and energy conservation.
The point in all such programs is that people in the American West face outsized problems that they cannot possibly solve on their own. This fundamental fact is psychologically difficult for anyone to face, but is especially difficult because of significant elements of Western culture and psychology. However, the entire effort can be framed in terms of an action partnership, in which the primary focus is on the action potential, and this can create the possibility for a long-term transformation in basic attitudes, which can be accomplished with none of deep cultural conflicts that would be inherent in trying to accomodate the socially conservative aspects of Huckabee's base. |
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