Sustainable Progressive Foreign Policy

by: Matt Stoller

Tue Feb 26, 2008 at 19:41


Alex Rosmiller, Matthew Yglesias, Ezra Klein, and Ilan Goldenberg all have thoughtful posts on the foreign policy media and political problem brought up by John Edwards advisor Michael Signer.  Here's Ilan, who works at the excellent and very necessary National Security Network.

If you are someone who truly deeply cares about domestic policy then you might just decide to become a State Senator.  Through that experience you learn that to get your agenda passed you have to be able to play politics and you learn how issues like trade, immigration, or healthcare play at the local level and how to use them politically.  But if you are someone who wants to devote your career to foreign policy or national security, you are not going to start at the Iowa state legislature.  You are going to come to Washington and probably work for the Executive Branch, where what matters is bureaucratic ability to push your agenda - not political ability.  We don't have national security experts working their way through the political system.  Most of the strong Congressional Democrats with serious national security credentials never ran a campaign before running for national office (See Jim Webb or Joe Sestak).  Or they have been in the Senate for so long that they have become experts on this issue (See Joe Biden or Carl Levin).

This problem also translates to the consultants.  Consultants make their way up the ladder by first winning local races.  So all those direct mailing skills that they learn about domestic issues just don't apply to foreign policy and national security.  Then they find themselves in national races and are not nearly as comfortable with the issue and prefer to fall back on domestic issues.  Of course there is the traditional Democratic aversion to these issues, which traditionally have been a Republican strength.

So in short.  Part of the problem is with the foreign policy wonks who need to play a more active role in politics and accept that fact.  But part of the problem is also with progressive and Democratic politicians who haven't always been comfortable with these issues.  What needs to change here is that there needs to be some responsibility on the part of local politicians who aspire for national office to get interested in national security issues earlier.  And there needs to be more work in the progressive community to build that kind of support system that helps these types of politicians and also trains more foreign policy wonks in the ways of politics.

Though there are policy areas beyond foreignp olicy that national politicians have to tackle that local ones do not, Goldenberg is generally right, and the gist of what Yglesias, Ezra, and Rosmiller have to say is also spot-on.  Wonks need to get more political and more in touch with what it means to organize and fight for your foreign policy vision among voters themselves.  But the other side of the coin is that, from what I've noticed, political operatives in the Democratic Party tend to seriously undervalue substantive arguments for a different way of governing.  That is, there's a lot of political tradition and polling around being hawkish and nationalistic, there's just not that much tradition around mocking nationalists and warmongers.  There aren't very many races run against war profiteers and on peace platforms, not because it's not a viable platform but because no one knows if it's a viable platform.  It's never tried or even polled.  Who knows whether it will work?  People want change, and peace is certainly change.

Operatives like what's worked before, it's what they trust and what they know.  If a foreign policy wonk came in and said 'I want 10% of the campaign budget to go to foreign policy ideas', most senior staffers would probably laugh them out of the room except... the candidate, who is the only one involved in the campaign that structurally cannot look ahead to their next campaign (note that I don't think 10% of the budget going to foreign policy is a good or even workable idea, it's just a thought experiment).  The candidate is thinking about how to win that campaign and how to govern, and usually is very interested in new policy ideas.  It's the pollster and the media consultant that don't know how to sell a progressive foreign policy as part of a narrative that are a big problem.  During a foreign policy crisis, Democratic campaigns get defensive and often wait for the right to chime in first.  That's shifting, but it was a big problem.

This problem, of course, extends way beyond foreign policy.  It extends towards all policy areas, since progressive policy groups often lock themselves into the closet of wonkery and come out with policy books that are useless for political messaging.  They don't teach media consultants how to sell their ideas and so those ideas don't get sold, and media consultants are often really bad at selling narratives, period, and lobby for their real money while doing cute campaign work on the side (look at Tony Podesta working Pennsylvania for Clinton).

Anyway, the answer really has to be a cultural and institutional shift in organizing.  We need cross-training, that is, a lot more mixing among foreign policy types and campaign operatives, so that the conventional wisdom can gradually be moved away from 'let's take the edge off the withdrawal plan so we don't look like crazy lefties' to 'let's make sure we talk about zero nuclear weapons so we don't look like crazy conservatives'.  The right does this through their think tanks, but also through their innumerable defense contractors, lobby shops, and corporate strongholds, all of whom are intertwined with their political campaign apparatus.  We're seeing it with the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, a think tank-ish group that is now actually and clumsily running ads against Democrats.

Already, mixing our communities is working.  Look at today's vote on FISA, where Democrats in the House voted down a serious Bush national security initiative for the first time I can remember because of substantive arguments tied to political campaigning.  So we're solving the problem as we speak, though it could be solved faster if donors would more aggressively support groups like the National Security Network, where a lot of the new thinking in progressive foreign policy is being organized around political sustainability.

Anyway, those are some more thoughts.  I got a lot of positive feedback around my post on foreign policy organizing so I figured I'd do a follow-up.

Matt Stoller :: Sustainable Progressive Foreign Policy

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Matt very insightful as always (0.00 / 0)
I guess the biggest struggle is to keep people motivated and mobilized.  I remember 2004 and the energy and enthusiasm now is not even comparable to then. I think markos and jerome's books were also keys in the growth of the movement.  I think now it is on the verge of becoming something that hasn't been seen since the 60's.  Hopefully people will stay involved and up on the issues...which is also as much a result of the last 8 years of W as anything else.  I think people do get that substance does matter...and hopefully we can finish FISA the right way and engage on all policies, both foreign and domestic to where we take back our country from the lobbyists and the special interests.

A Couple of Other Angles (0.00 / 0)
First off, something more on--or rather underlying--something you already mentioned: the role of consulants. This is a highly pernicious influence on our politics--touching virtually every issue area--which has nothing to do with consultants individually  (they're not bad people), and everything to do with a larger constellation of changes that has left them with extraordinary influence that's completely out of all proportion to what their roles should be.  This constellation of changes is perhaps best captured in August Cochrane III's most excellent book, Democracy Heading South: National Politics in the Shadow of Dixie.

Second:

There aren't very many races run against war profiteers and on peace platforms, not because it's not a viable platform but because no one knows if it's a viable platform.

Actually, we know that it is a viable platform.  Support for starting wars, and even for increased military spending, has not been anywhere close to a majority position for most of the last 40-50 years, which is pretty much as far back as regular polling goes.  But it's also a very threatening platform to people with a lot of money to spend.  The military-industrial complex, that is. So that's a whole other issue that needs to be addressed.

Third:

What needs to change here is that there needs to be some responsibility on the part of local politicians who aspire for national office to get interested in national security issues earlier.  And there needs to be more work in the progressive community to build that kind of support system that helps these types of politicians and also trains more foreign policy wonks in the ways of politics.

Ilan Goldenberg is conflating "national security" and "foreign policy," using them interchangably.  But, as George Lakoff has argued, this is fundamentally mistaken.  There are all sorts of foreign policy concerns that go far beyond "national security," but--paradoxially--have a great deal to do with making the world more secure, as I indicated in this comment.  Back before the 2000 election, Lakoff wrote:

New realities have emerged since the end of the Cold War. But they have largely been ignored in American foreign policy. The Global Interdependence Initiative was designed to address those vital concerns. They are:
* the environment,
* human rights,
* women's rights,
* children's issues,
* global public health and the spread of disease,
* poverty and the powerlessness of the impoverished,
* fair labor practices,
* violent ethnic conflicts,
* the rights of indigenous people to preserve their traditional ways of life, and crucially
*  an economics of sustainability that promotes quality of life rather than an unsustainable economic growth.

When one looks more closely, further details come into focus: the immense danger of global warming, the freedom of women to get an education and engage in public life, the connections between women's education and world population growth, AIDS in Africa, the spread of tuberculosis, the enslavement of children and child labor, and so on.

These concerns might sound to some like a laundry list of unrelated topics. As we shall see, they are anything but that. They are a natural category of concerns - a category that has never been adequately described or named. Our job is to forge a general approach to foreign policy where each item on this list is a natural special case, a natural and obvious concern for American foreign policy conceptualized in a new way.

Lakoff went on to explain that what holds these in common is an alternative to the "self-interest" frame--the "moral norms" frame.  "National security" is the epitome of the "self-intetest" frame in terms of the Nation-As-Person metaphor.  But it's actually the moral norms framework that provides much more security than traditional "national security" measures do.

Fourth, as I wrote about in a diary some time ago--The Elite/DFH Progressive Foreign Policy Split - Further Thoughts On Issues Raised By Chris, there are very different ways in which elites think about foreign policy issues as compared with the masses.  The information I cited in that diary came from the same project that Lakoff wrote for, the Frameworks Insitute's Global Interdependence Initiative.

So, while I wholeheartedly applaud your efforts here, don't limit your thinking to the factors you've already uncovered.  There's a lot more territory to cover.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


getting Congress to step up (0.00 / 0)
Something that I think contributes to what you describe, where foreign policy issues just don't feature in the campaigns that people work on when they are starting out, is the way that Congress has abdicated its role in forming and running that policy. Everything runs out of the Executive. I'm sure a lot of that is inevitable, but still. The power to declare war is reserved to Congress for a reason, and just because our political culture has decided to ignore that small detail doesn't mean it has to stay that way.

Plus, as other people here point out, "foreign policy" reaches right into every Congressional district just as much as "economic policy" (what else would you call trade issues, for instance?). Congress has been able to get away with passing the buck on these things. How to change that is part of our general problem: how to create and enforce accountability.

not everything worth doing is profitable. not everything profitable is worth doing.


This makes a lot of sense. (0.00 / 0)
Maybe if it wasn't for foreign debacles, we wouldn't have a progressive dog at all. Come to think of it, your analysis is also a fresh insight on the political environment of the Vietnam war.

Vietnam and then the US intervention in Central America were key politicizing events for me, just as Iraq has been for others. But we alsosee how quickly foreign policy concerns die away when our soldiers aren't fighting over there and the headlines don't carry news of world crises.  


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