Security Theater versus the National Security State

by: Matt Stoller

Thu Apr 03, 2008 at 16:09


This is why it is so hard for politicians to go against hawkish positions.

Security is both a feeling and a reality, and they're different. You can feel secure even though you're not, and you can be secure even though you don't feel it. There are two different concepts mapped onto the same word - the English language isn't working very well for us here - and it can be hard to know which one we're talking about when we use the word.

The key here is whether we notice. The feeling and reality of security tend to converge when we take notice, and diverge when we don't. People notice when 1) there are enough positive and negative examples to draw a conclusion, and 2) there isn't too much emotion clouding the issue.

Both elements are important. If someone tries to convince us to spend money on a new type of home burglar alarm, we as society will know pretty quickly if he's got a clever security device or if he's a charlatan; we can monitor crime rates. But if that same person advocates a new national antiterrorism system, and there weren't any terrorist attacks before it was implemented, and there weren't any after it was implemented, how do we know if his system was effective?

...People are more likely to realistically assess these incidents if they don't contradict preconceived notions about how the world works. For example: It's obvious that a wall keeps people out, so arguing against building a wall across America's southern border to keep illegal immigrants out is harder to do.

The other thing that matters is agenda. There are lots of people, politicians, companies and so on who deliberately try to manipulate your feeling of security for their own gain. They try to cause fear. They invent threats. They take minor threats and make them major. And when they talk about rare risks with only a few incidents to base an assessment on - terrorism is the big example here - they are more likely to succeed.

One reason FDR focused on freedom from fear is because fear creates an opening for authoritarian behavior.  And while I don't buy the hope message of Obama, I can see a good argument that it is driving at the same concept.  Schneier doesn't see any obvious antidote to the problem of security theater and our vulnerability to making good decisions.

I think there are two.  One, it is critical to point out that politicians have an incentive to centralize power in the name of security so as to create a general warinesss around anything done by the government in the name of national security.  Abuse of this concept is immensely dangerous, and actually cuts across the political spectrum.  Two, it is critical that we be situated in community spaces so we can collectively make and discuss security decisions.  TV is a fear-based device, the internet allows for more rational conversations.  To take a simple example, local broadcasters often do stories about online child predators and rarely discuss global warming.  The internet has relatively much more discussion of climate change and much less discussion of child predators, probably because a healthy social context allows better decision-making.

It is quite important, and I don't know how to solve this puzzle, to counter the strategy from elites that anyone who suspects malfeasance on the part of authorities is a conspiracy theorist unless they have clear proof.  We place a lot of trust in government and corporate leaders, and they have the resources to keep earning that trust if they choose.  As citizens we should move to a situation where we look at hundreds of billions of dollars of unaccountable national security spending or massive paydays for corporate leaders and require justification, rather than the problematic posture we seem to be in right now where every corrupt deed must be proven eighteen different ways before Congress will even choose to do nothing about it.

As we move forward into a governing posture, building a consensus towards openness, with its attending vulnerability from fear-mongering politicians and elites, is going to require a good amount of work.  We must change the way we relate to power.  The good news is that blogging or creating content to be shared with others is empowering and allows this shift to happen, and more and more people are doing this every day.  In some ways, Obama straddles the line and reaches into this community of content-creators, while still retaining a lot of old politics support (hence his acceptance of the war on terror frame).  The impetus to change our way of thinking and reclaim our republic from the security theater experts and con men is going to have to come from us.  And it is.

Matt Stoller :: Security Theater versus the National Security State

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as i understand from consumerist.com... (4.00 / 1)
...selling unnecessary bugular alarm systems is a common huckster job. You can make a great deal of money following just a few rote rules that hack into people's fear and greed (the latter important to "seal the deal" -- to focus the negative emotions you previously generate.)

I was talking with a friend recently who had worked on an NPR documentary about people who have medical conditions and experience what they call an "out of body" moment -- basically, she was transcribing interviews with people's descriptions of heaven.

Uniformly, according to her, they described meeting dead relatives and friends who told them "you don't have to worry" -- "you don't have to stress". I mean, the possible variation is enormous (it could have been "you don't have to feel guilty", or "I always loved you", or "you were a moral person", or etc.) But the descriptions centered around being promised freedom from fear.

To me this is really interesting. Medieval accounts of heaven usually described trees that grew fully-roasted chickens -- a natural fantasy of a population on the edge of starving. Today, our fantasies are about being free from fear and worry.

Talking about fear -- generating it, harnessing it -- it seems to hook into something as primal as hunger and want. It's the 21st century version of promising a starving man a meal.


i should add (0.00 / 0)
That while I love the internet too, the continual experience of fear is something that we are raised under within the economy. We "learn" fear, we are taught to fear, and we become accustomed to it, from the precarious economic conditions we experience. Homeowners two paychecks away from homelessness, the obsessive monitoring of credit reports that decide all, that sort of thing.

Part of the progressive response to fear, even "fear of terror", has to be challenging these root experiences in the economy, showing that they are not "natural", are not real, that they are generated and sustained.

It's easier, in other words, to fear X when you've learned to fear Y for so long -- just the same with other things such as hate (does anybody think the KKK had much trouble turning to Muslims?)


Freedom from fear (0.00 / 0)
I had never thought of it in that context, but it does need to be a central element of building a more progressive America.

Good post--let's think of ways to campaign against fear.  


Maybe (0.00 / 0)
this is another facet of the anti-McCain narrative? That he's just trying to scare us. John McCain thinks that there's a terrorist around every corner, etc.? It could maybe fit in with the personal narrative of him as irrational and unstable? Heck, maybe we can even paint him as scared.

I support John McCain because children are too healthy anyway.

[ Parent ]
brings back horrible memories (4.00 / 1)
of that home video of Bush jokingly searching for WMDs around a lecture hall? God that was ghastly, it could have been in a horror movie.

[ Parent ]
Choose hope, not fear :-) (0.00 / 0)
> let's think of ways to campaign against fear.  

Excellent point.

Martha Stout's The Paranoia Switch is well worth reading.  Some of the ideas in Duncombe's Dream also seem relevant.


[ Parent ]
Ah, yes (4.00 / 1)
This is something I'm hoping to address as part of my senior thesis, which I'm working on right now.  The central question of my thesis is how did we get to this point, and why have we remained at such a point - which I refer to as the military-industrial-congressional-media-academic complex, where we rely almost exclusively on fear, threats, aggression, and "hard power," to "achieve" national security.  To that end, I wrote the following, with the most relevant selections in bold:

In the case of the United States, national security policy is lagging, not leading, i.e. our planning and actions are generally reflective of what has been previously experienced rather than reflective of rational perceptions and predictions of the conflicts and challenges of tomorrow.  After victory in World War II, the effectiveness of hard power was validated as the central aspect of national security policy, viz. the largest and most costly conflict in human history was won on the back of American hard power, which provided enormous credibility for massive spending and significant actions based upon the validity of hard power, especially considering the competitive and threatening nature of the Cold War.

As early as 1946, there existed within mainstream circles the idea that U.S. national security policy rested as much on domestic strength and resistance to complacency, and applications of soft power abroad, as in the political considerations of the Marshall Plan.  These notions are most clearly and succinctly stated by George Kennan in the following except from his 'long telegram' from Moscow; Dwight Eisenhower further echoed these sentiments with his reference to the "military-industrial complex" in his presidential farewell address..  

Yet despite these points, plus additional evidence that has followed (U.S in Iraq/Vietnam, France in Indochina/Algeria, USSR in Afghanistan) suggesting that those early concerns were well-founded (and if anything, understated the potential political and socioeconomic frailties of hard power), the U.S. has spent trillions of dollars on a massive defense buildup between 1980 and the present.  It is my opinion that the national security apparatus of the United States, including not just our military and industry, but also Congress, the media and academia, has been compromised by what Mancur Olson termed "institutional sclerosis," a complacency which can only be counteracted by a shock of some sort - one that never occurred in the United States, or, in the case of Vietnam, was masked by the relative decline in the power of other states, leading to perceptions of American security in a strong world.  In reality, the United States is the least weak in a vulnerable world, and American power and security have simply declined less.  

Despite the purely relative security the U.S. enjoys, perceptions as described have continued, as other states (potentially China excepted) remain weak.  This simply confirms fallacious conceptions of American power that have existed since World War II - simply because increased security has occurred following implementation of national security policy characterized by hard power applications does not mean that hard power policy caused that security.  Thus national security policy remains overwhelmed by institutional sclerosis, as 60 years of fallacious perceptions have metastasized into an incredibly costly, largely ineffective but very popular military-industrial-congressional-media-academic complex (MICMAC), supported almost universally by members of both parties.  

Now more than ever, the full consequences of American emphasis on hard power are being realized within challenges to national security; indeed, the insurgency of Iraq, the rise of Hezbollah, the popularity of Hugo Chavez and Evo Morales, the radicalization of Iran, and corruption and strife in Africa can each be linked to failed applications of American hard power, thoroughly facilitated and expedited by the MICMAC (Operation Iraqi Freedom, categorical support of Israel, Operation Condor, Operation Ajax, continental proxy wars/support of corrupt and cruel dictators within colonial territories, respectively).

I'm not sure exactly what the answers are politically; the solutions in terms of what the right thing to do is are more clear - better international engagement, a balanced and fundamentally non-aggressive foreign policy with a significant soft power component, global economic development [not neoliberally], etc.  But there's a huge gap in this instance between what is politically tenable and what makes sense - gap that is supported by a number of extremely powerful interests, more powerful than any we have ever confronted.  I honestly have no idea how we bridge that gap.


This is a key point (0.00 / 0)
Although fear will always be used by Right Wing demagogues, much more than that is going on. It is really being used as an incredibly effective tool to disguise and protect what is in the end only a sort of obvious type of corruption. Of course, this particular system of pay-offs has undermined our democracy, led to millions of deaths worldwide, wasted trillions of dollars, and operates basically independent of any legal, moral or political constraints.

That's my problem with the original post. I certainly agree that having a sane space to discuss these issues is important, but I have to disagree about making a distrust of government a central point. Not that it is wrong, but it is both politically tone deaf and fails to address the real problem. Instead, or at least additionally, I think making clear just how corrupt the entire system is should be key. One facet of that is declassifying as much stuff as possible, and getting everything that is declassified online.

If you look at this as power hungry politicians instead of a well understood system of institutionalized and (mostly) legal corruption, you are going to fail politically and fail to ever take on the real bad guys. A more direct attack on the institution would still leave some politicians to abuse fear, but it would diminish the current constant pressure on every politician to push for war.

I support John McCain because children are too healthy anyway.


[ Parent ]
Tiger Hunt (0.00 / 0)
Friedman (yea, I know) had an article for years ago that ended with:

In British politics there used to be a standard test for candidates for prime minister: Would you want to go on a tiger hunt with this person? That is, would this candidate kill the tiger or try to reason with the tiger? Graham Allison, the Harvard international relations professor who just published a book called "Nuclear Terrorism: The Ultimate Preventable Catastrophe," said to me the other day that the tiger hunt is even more relevant in America today.

"The big question about Kerry is, Will he pull the trigger?" Mr. Allison said. "And the big question about Bush is, Can he aim? With Bush, we know he can pull the trigger, but it's like he shot himself in the foot - and the tiger is still out there. It's the tiger who needs to be shot, not us."

I think the key line is "Will he pull the trigger?"  No one will vote for a presidential candidate they don't think will do whatever it takes to protect them.  There is a certain threshold one must pass; in fact, this is the real threshold Clinton was talking about the other week, though she didn't spell it out as it has nothing whatsoever to do with experience.  

At a very deep level we want to survive.  While we prefer that we only shoot bad guys and quite honestly don't like it when we shoot good guys, most will err on the side of   survival.  "Better them then me," and all that.

The DLC and Clinton take this information and decide they always need to support war and act tough all the time.

But as the netroots have discovered, giving in to the other side is the opposite of acting tough.  Republicans had no trouble acting tough when opposing Clinton in Kosovo, for example.  Acting tough (i.e., arrogantly believing they are always correct and acting like offensive a-holes) comes naturally.

The problem with Kerry (and Clinton) was he could never be tough against the war because he voted for it.  Rightly or wrongly, this made him look weak and impossible to make his case.

Obama has the advantage of being against Iraq from the beginning and having Afghanistan to use as a counter point.  The fact he came out on "the right" of both Clinton and McCain on use of force in Pakistan is, to my mind, incredibly awesome.

In the long run, though, I don't think there is any silver bullet.  Actually preventing attacks helps, of course.  Having rational people in power helps.  But human nature is what it is and the only way to fight back is to do it each and every day.  Make sure "I may disagree with your opinion but will fight to the death for your right to say it" is repeated loudly and often.  Our country was founded on The Enlightenment, so we've got a great base to work from, but as we've often seen we still fail frequently.  It is something we must always combat.


Being Opposed to the War for the Right Reasons (0.00 / 0)
The Democrats need politicians who oppose the war for the right reasons.  Being anti-war is not, in itself, enough.

Good reason: The war was a dumb idea
Bad reasons: Will help candidate get elected, pacifism inherently opposed to all military action (aka being a DFH)  

Things You Don't Talk About in Polite Company: Religion, Politics, the Occasional Intersection of Both


[ Parent ]
I think that's a strawman (0.00 / 0)
I highly doubt you can find a single politician who said outright that they oppose Iraq because they have a blanket opposition to military action. I'm pretty sure even Kucinich would consider a military response to a direct attack on the US. And if a candidate did take that position, they should feel just as validated as anyone else.

Also, it is really bizarre the way you coopted the term DFH. It is used to mock the way the MSM silenced the voices of those who opposed the war (like Krugman, say), but you're using it to do the exact same thing; exclude people from a national security discourse just because you don't agree with them, or they don't pass some toughness test.

Get over it. This time around, the pacifists were right.

I support John McCain because children are too healthy anyway.


[ Parent ]
Gulf War I (0.00 / 0)
A lot of Democrats voted against Gulf War I in a way that made them look weak, at least in hindsight, so it isn't just a strawman.  (Though don't get me wrong, there is a strawman hiding in there as well.)

What this really boils down to is war needs to be taken seriously and everyone will be judged not by their vote at the time but by their vote as seen through history.  Which means the best thing a politician can do for his or her political survival is (wait, this will be an actual shock...) vote correctly.


[ Parent ]
Hm (0.00 / 0)
It made them "look weak" and so they were wrong to oppose it?

Let's be serious. I think it is pretty clear that we would not have lept to Kuwait's defense if we weren't worried about a certain natural resource they possess.

If the same scenario had happened between two resource poor African nations I think the resounding opinion of basically all conservatives and most liberals (excepting true liberal internationalists) would've been that it wasn't worth the resources or the risk.

Now, maybe those committed Liberal internationalists are "right", I'm not a foreign policy expert with a definite opinion about that. But the suggestion that a politician who opposed the first Gulf War, or even opposed it on the grounds that military intervention should be a last resort somehow doesn't deserve credit for voting against this war is ridiculous.

In fact, given that the ease of that war was used to sell this one, that many believed it would be just as quick, that many of those involved in the first one wanted to take that opportunity to basically fight this war, , I'll go ahead and say I appreciate that they erred on the side of caution. To take a risk and vote for peace when the country is gearing up for war is something valuable. It's a shame that he is making the same argument to discredit these people that the Right did in the run up to this war.

I hate to be a "no enemies to the Left" type, but these theoretical pacifists, and the real politicians who voted against Gulf War I, are just not the problem.

I support John McCain because children are too healthy anyway.


[ Parent ]
Oil (0.00 / 0)
Certainly the Gulf War was about oil, Hussein wouldn't have invaded and we wouldn't have defended if it wasn't for the oil.  But just because our oil based economy is bad doesn't mean this wasn't a real power grab that deserved to be stopped.

(Of course, we learned later that Bush Sr. could have prevented the war entirely if he hadn't let Hussein feel he could get away with it.  Horrible screw up on Bush's part.)

But voting against GWI was certainly a problem for some Democrats.  But the point I'm trying to make is the intra-party backlash was even worse, where Dems started to feel they needed to vote for every war.

And the real, real point is we need to stop treating these kinds of votes as just politics, even if all we care about is winning election!  Because history will judge and elections will be won and lost on the judgment of history.  Think it through and get it right.

If Hillary had voted correctly on Iraq she would have the nomination wrapped up by now.  The irony is (I believe, at least) she only voted for the war because she felt it necessary to remain viable as a presidential candidate.


[ Parent ]
But (0.00 / 0)
Did the people who voted against GWI do so because they thought supporting it would be a political mistake? I won't even admit how old I was when that war happened, but that has never been my impression. I would guess that for most on the left, it was a principled opposition, even if it turned out to be wrong.

And if they voted against it out of principle, even if in hind sight that was wrong, I won't hold it against them. And even if I hold it against them for voting wrong, I can't even imagine going as far as Anthony and claiming that it somehow makes following votes suspect.

I think this is all somewhat beside the original point though, because Anthony was really just using a throwaway line to shame a part of the Democratic party who he doesn't believe meet some toughness threshold.

If the problem was intra-party backlash, then it is the fault of people making his argument. People who think erring on the side of caution when thousands or millions of lives and billions of dollars and immeasurable goodwill is at stake is somehow a problem. They are the problem, and we need to think about how to neutralize their attacks, which I think was more or less the point of Matt's original post.

That's why I was a little offended to see someone reiterating that line of reasoning, pushed by chickenhawks and jingoists, in the comments thread of this post.

I support John McCain because children are too healthy anyway.


[ Parent ]
My remark isn't aimed at politicians (0.00 / 0)
so much as it's aimed at certain groups in the activist base who reach the right conclusions for the wrong reasons and clamor for politicians to hold their point of view.  Yes, the pacifists were right this time around, so I guess I can group them with Pat Buchanan.

I'm perfectly fine with mocking DFH's because I've been making fun of them since before Eric Cartman appeared on our TV screens.  Usually, I'm referring to hippies I have met in the past who were literally dirty and could be smelled from the other side of the room.

Things You Don't Talk About in Polite Company: Religion, Politics, the Occasional Intersection of Both


[ Parent ]
. (0.00 / 0)
Far be it for voters to "clamor" for politicians to agree with them. I thought this was a democracy.

But seriously, I might have realized that you weren't talking about politicians and weren't calling all pacifists DFH's if... you hadn't referred to politicians, and then called those of them who are pacifists DFH's.

My mistake.

I support John McCain because children are too healthy anyway.


[ Parent ]
It's funny how (0.00 / 0)
FDR's Four Freedom's speech was a call for Congress to appropriate more money (including tax increases) for military spending in anticipation of the war.  The "Four Freedoms" are a vision of a post-war world.  As in Iraq, the Bush administration seems to have no vision for a post-"war on terror" world, at least not one that they are willing to articulate.

Things You Don't Talk About in Polite Company: Religion, Politics, the Occasional Intersection of Both

don't buy the hope argument (0.00 / 0)
I found your mentioning of the don't buy the hope line interesting in the context of http://digbysblog.blogspot.com...

Being too young to vote for clinton, (or gore), I don't really emotionally understand why you feel that way, but after seeing the clintons behavior in this race I can better understand the cynicism.

It is the way black people felt towards him before SC.  I assume that you will feel the same until he gets some good policy enacted.

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