Global Warming And Hegemony--Further Thoughts On A Rockridge Institute Diary

by: Paul Rosenberg

Sun Apr 06, 2008 at 12:50


Yesterday, I wrote:

One reason the 2008 election is vitally important can be summed up in two words: Global warming.  Another reason can also be summed up in two words: Supreme Court.  I hope to write about global warming as well this weekend, but this diary is about Supreme Court.

Both, however, have the same underlying theme: while winning the 2008 is vitally important, it is necessary, but not sufficient. Indeed, neither global warming nor the Supreme Court should be the real focus of our attention, as they are but the most prominent outer manifestations of larger systemic struggles.

What is really needed is a much more sweeping and fundamental reshaping of our collective thinking--and that can only come about through a reshaping of our public institutions.

I now want to turn my attention to global warming, by way of revisitng a recent, diary from Joe Brewer, of the Rockridge Institute, Why We Are Losing the Global Warming Battle.  In it, Joe argues:

Right now, things don't look very promising. It isn't just that we've reached the tipping point, as James Hansen suggests. (warning - large PDF file) It isn't just that the first-ever climate bill is about to arrive DOA on the Senate floor--maybe not such a bad thing since Lieberman-Warner is built on the wrong ideas. The real problem is in the way we think about the problem and, therefore, the solutions.

There are two problems with "the way we think"-the actual lack of a well-developed framework of ideas, and the lack of an institutional framework for propagating the ideas we do have.  These are, ever and always, the two sides of what Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci described as a "culture war" or "war of position"-a struggle to control the institutions that shape our culture, including not just the ideas we think, but the ideas we can think.  In this case, I would argue that the later-the institutional framework- is much more of a problem than the framework ideas itself is.

For example, Joe goes on to say:

Consider this sampling of Big Ideas conservatives have pushed into public discourse:

   * Nature is a resource to be exploited.
   * Wealth is measured simply by money.
   * The economy and environment are distinct and inevitably in conflict with one another.
   * Polluting is a right, so companies should be compensated for the cost of clean-up.
   * Markets are natural and naturally good.
   * Government is distinct from markets and intrudes upon them.

These ideas are at the heart of the climate debate.

It is not hard to think of ideas counter to those. What is hard is to envision powerful organizations engaged in systematically refuting them with a vigour equal to that of conservatives pushing them.

Paul Rosenberg :: Global Warming And Hegemony--Further Thoughts On A Rockridge Institute Diary
Immediately after the passage quoted above, Joe continues:

We desperately need to challenge them with our own ideas. But first, we need to recognize the strategic differences between ideas and policies. We are caught up in a battle between carbon taxes, cap-and-trade, and energy investments. All the while, conservative ideas continue to spread unchecked.

This is absolutely the case.  And Joe is quite right to deem it important to articulate a contrasting set of ideas.  But we need to do much more than simply advance a set of ideas-as I'm sure the folks at Rockridge must know.  After all, George Lakoff has repeatedly argued that we need a strategic infrastructure to match the right. What I want to do here is take a look at the ideas Joe listed, and comment about the task of taking these ideas and developing an infrastructure for articulating them.

First, let's consider these:

Nature is the basis of our survival. We depend upon breathable air, drinkable water, and other "environmental services" in order to live. If we destroy the life-support systems that nature provides, we'll need to sink some serious money into building them on our own (sounds like an April Fool's Joke to me).

A healthy economy depends upon a healthy environment. Our wealth and prosperity are intimately bound to (1) our survival capacity and (2) all that makes flourishing possible. Markets cannot exist where there are no people. People can only exist where there is a capacity for life.

We all own the air. It is our right to have it clean. Companies have been damaging our air without paying the full cost of doing business. This has to change if we are to survive, let alone thrive. The environment is inherently valuable because it is a source of wealth (as the basis of our well-being). Companies should pay for damage to this collective wealth. This is the fair thing to do.

These ideas are expressions of a viewpoint embodied in the concept of ecosystem services.  Wikipedia explains:

Humankind benefits from a multitude of resources and processes that are supplied by natural ecosystems. Collectively, these benefits are known as ecosystem services and include products like clean drinking water and processes like the decomposition of wastes. Ecosystem services are distinct from other ecosystem products and functions because there is human demand for these natural assets. Services can be subdivided into five categories: provisioning such as the production of food and water; regulating, such as the control of climate and disease; supporting, such as nutrient cycles and crop pollination; cultural, such as spiritual and recreational benefits; and preserving, which includes guarding against uncertainty through the maintenance of diversity.

As human populations grow, so do the resource demand imposed on ecosystems and the impacts of our global footprint. Many people have been plagued with the misconception that these ecosystem services are
free, invulnerable and infinitely available. However, the impacts of anthropogenic use and abuse are becoming evermore apparent - air and water quality are increasingly compromised, oceans are being over-fished, pests and diseases are extending beyond their historical boundaries, deforestation is eliminating flood control around human settlements. It has been reported that approximately 40-50% of Earth's ice-free land surface has been heavily transformed or degraded by anthropogenic activities, 66% of marine fisheries are either overexploited or at their limit, atmospheric CO2 has increased more than 30% since the advent of industrialization, and nearly 25% of Earth's bird species have gone extinct in the last two thousand years [1].

Consequently, society is coming to realize that ecosystem services are not only threatened and limited, but that the pressure to evaluate trade-offs between immediate and long-term human needs is urgent. To
help inform decision-makers, economic value is increasingly associated with many ecosystem services and often based on the cost of replacement with anthropogenically-driven alternatives. The on-going challenge of prescribing economic value to nature is prompting transdisciplinary shifts in how we recognize and manage the environment, social responsibility, business opportunities, and our future as a species.

The ecosystems services approach has been systematically applied by the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment [MA], an international effort involving the cooperative work of more than 1,360 experts worldwide, from 2000 to 2005, which I wrote about in my recent diary, "Two Long Recessions". Not only did the MA assess the current worldwide, they also studied future prospects, employing four distinctly different scenarios, two of which were quite dismal, while two were much more promising.  I wrote an Earth Day article for Random Lengths News about the MA in 2005.  Here is an excerpt:

The MA found that 15 of 24 ecosystem services studied "are being degraded or used unsustainably, including fresh water, capture fisheries, air and water purification, and the regulation of regional and local climate, natural hazards, and pests." These changes are "increasing the likelihood of nonlinear changes in ecosystems (including accelerating, abrupt, and potentially irreversible changes)" such as "disease emergence, abrupt alterations in water quality, the creation of 'dead zones' in coastal waters, the collapse of fisheries, and shifts in regional climate."  

The MA also found that harmful effects "are being borne disproportionately by the poor... contributing to growing inequities and disparities across groups of people," which "are sometimes the principal factor causing poverty and social conflict."

"There's no marketplace on some of those services. We regard them as free, simply because there's no market," said Stanford biologist Harold A. Mooney, one of the MA's lead authors. As a result, Mooney told Random Lengths, "You could cut down the whole forest," without paying for the regulatory services lost.  

"About 4.6 billion people depend for all or some of their water on supplies from forest systems," the MA notes, but 25 countries have effectively lost all their forests, while another 29 have lost 90% of them.

The MA also cited examples of "promising and effective responses," which can avoid the problem of enhancing one service while damaging others. These ranged from removal of agricultural subsidies with "adverse economic, social, and environmental effects," to "payments for ecosystem services provided by watersheds."

"One of our solutions is to value systems appropriately," Mooney explained.

What makes the MA unique, Mooney said was "the structure of the inquiry, how we looked for the information, what concepts we put it into." An ordinary environmental assessment might examine forest cover or water pollution as isolated concerns, but with the MA, Mooney explained, "We tried to look at all of those resources simultaneously: water, forest, bio-diversity, etc. so we could examine the tradeoffs."  In short, "Ecosystems were the unit of study. What we looked at specifically was what the ecosystem services were."

A second major difference Mooney cited was the focus at three distinct levels-global, sub-global and local-all "looked at with the same lens," which included "what the present status is, how it's changed, how it looks to the future, and what to do about it."  The reason for the multi-level approach was simple: "We have to have the right answers at all levels."  

Too often, attempts at global modeling in any field ignore the specific. But "A lot of decisions are made at the local level," Mooney pointed out. So the MA included studies of villages in the alto plano in Peru, as well as India.

One of the MA's most important findings is the importance of tradeoffs-the way some services are gained at the expense of others.

"Society is not structured in such a way to deal with such issues [as tradeoffs]. We have a Department of Agriculture, a Department of Interior, a Department of Commerce, a Department of the Treasury. You can't do the tradeoffs. The institutions we evolved evolved in different era.  We need a new way of doing business."

With the expanded awareness of how many different environmental services are out there, the standard environmental impact report process seems antiquated at best. Does it need to be revamped? "Absolutely," Mooney said.

Here's are a chart from the MA report that I've posted here before:

Creating the MA report took an enormous amount of organization, energy and expertise.  Yet, while it undoubtedly has provided a great deal of value for those working in the field, both scientists and policy-makers, it has had virtually no impact on public consciousness, at least in the US.  There was, quite simply, no thought given to how these findings might entire into and help shape the broader public "marketplace" (or, more accurately, battleground) of ideas.

The right never works this way.  It figures out its message, then goes out and concocts evidence to fit its message. Of course I'm not advocating that we should do the same.  But we should be devoting substantially more resources to popular dissemination of the information and ideas that we do have.  How much more?  Something on the order of $300,000,000 a year seems like a good minimum.  That's just off the top of my head, but it gives you an idea of how big I think we need to think.

Before moving on with Joe's list, I have something more to say about the last item in the group just refered to:

We all own the air. It is our right to have it clean. Companies have been damaging our air without paying the full cost of doing business. This has to change if we are to survive, let alone thrive. The environment is inherently valuable because it is a source of wealth (as the basis of our well-being). Companies should pay for damage to this collective wealth. This is the fair thing to do.

In addition to the ecosystems services approach, there's another conceptual approach that's relevant here, one that comes from within economics: externalized costs.  Externalized costs (or benefits) are costs (or benefits) from an economic activity affecting people who are not direct parties to that activity. The unpaid use of ecosystem services are a form of externality imposed on the ecosystem.  But we can also look at externalized costs simply in terms of how they impact people.  Externalized costs are one form of Market failure, which Wikipedia explains thus:

Market failure is a term used by economists to describe the condition where the allocation of goods and services by a free market is not efficient. Market failure can be viewed as a scenario in which individuals' pursuit of self-interest leads to bad results for society as a whole.[1] The first known use of the term by economists was in 1958,[2] but the concept has been traced back to the Victorian philosopher Henry Sidgwick.

In my diary, "Market Realism vs. Market Fundamentalism", I republished an article I wrote for Random Lengths News about a labor/environmental linkage in the efforts to clean up pollution at the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach, which involves the concepts of externalities and market failure.  Here is the beginning of that article:

Truckers Status Key
To Clean Air, Study Finds
Employee Status for Truckers Is Key To Realizing Multiple Pollution-Reducing and Cost-Reducing Efficiencies

By Paul Rosenberg, Senior Editor

Less than a week after the Port of Long Beach (POLB) hastily approved an altered "Clean Trucks Program" (CTP) without mandating employee status for truckers, a new report from Beacon Economics, funded by the William & Flora Hewlett Foundation, underscored the crucial importance of the measures POLB abandoned. While not perfect, the report found the original CTP would be "very effective," significantly outperforming two alternatives.

"The employment relationship is an essential element in creating incentives to use trucks efficiently and keep them well maintained," Beacon said in a press statement.

In sharp contrast to POLB's exclusive focus on truck technology, Beacon paid intense attention to how trucks are used, how the current market incentives came about, and how a different set of incentives could move the market rapidly toward a much more efficient and less polluting state.

Lead author Jon Haveman-co-author of a landmark 2004 study, "California's Global Gateways"-is a strong believer in markets, but is highly sensitive to how they can fail, and eager to correct them when they do.

The report describes port pollution as "a classic externality problem." Haveman explained, "An externality occurs any time there is an economic activity which impacts people who aren't directly involved in that transaction."  Area residents dying from diesel pollution are an extreme example.

The trucking industry has a related problem-those at the heart of the market, the truckers, are powerless to express their strong preference for increased efficiency.

The truckers' powerlessness "is part and parcel of the pollution problem," Haveman added. "Solving the efficiency problem is one important step for solving the pollution problem.  If the pollution problem were internalized, there would be a much stronger movement toward reducing those inefficiencies."

Increased efficiencies could produce multiple, substantial benefits, Beacon found.

"There is enormous scope for reducing the size of the fleet," Haveman said. While a current fleet of about 16,800 trucks, Haveman couldn't project a precise figure, but said, "It could be 8,000, it might only reduce to 12,000" from the current level. This could cut the total cost of the trucks by 25 to 50 percent and/or allow for a higher percentage of cleaner, but more expensive non-diesel trucks.

Over the years, our newspaper's coverage of such issues has helped to shape a new, broader public understanding.  But we only cover a small part of Los Angeles.  Still, change in public understanding has been fundamental to producing policy change, and we have helped contribute to that. Imagine if we had a national media infrastructure devoted to doing the same.

Returning to Joe's list of ideas:

Wealth is well-being. This includes the empowerment that comes with monetary wealth, but it is significantly broader: emotional and physical health, having good friends, living in a flourishing community, etc. All of these are forms of wealth because they increase our well-being.

This reflects a broader version of an approach I also wrote about in "Two Long Recessions", that seeks to find better measures of economic well-being than GDP.  One such measure is the Genuine Progress Indicator (GPI), which I also wrote about in "Republicans Are BAD For The Economy".  Here is description of the GPI, from the think tank, " Redefining Progress":

How We Measure Progress
The GPI starts with the same personal consumption data that the GDP is based on, but then makes some crucial distinctions. It adjusts for factors such as income distribution, adds factors such as the value of household and volunteer work, and subtracts factors such as the costs of crime and pollution.

Because the GDP and the GPI are both measured in monetary terms, they can be compared on the same scale. Measurements that make up the GPI include:

Income Distribution


Both economic theory and common sense tell us that the poor benefit more from a given increase in their income than do the rich. Accordingly, the GPI rises when the poor receive a larger percentage of national income, and falls when their share decreases.

Housework, Volunteering, and Higher Education
Much of the most important work in society is done in household and community settings: childcare, home repairs, volunteer work, and so on. The GDP ignores these contributions because no money changes hands. The GPI includes the value of this work figured at the approximate cost of hiring someone to do it. The GPI also takes into account the non-market benefits associated with a more educated population.

Crime
Crime imposes large economic costs on individuals and society in the form of legal fees, medical expenses, damage to property, and the like. The GDP treats such expenses as additions to well-being. By contrast, the GPI subtracts the costs arising from crime.

Resource Depletion
If today's economic activity depletes the physical resource base available for tomorrow, then it is not creating well-being; rather, it is borrowing it from future generations. The GDP counts such borrowing as current income. The GPI, by contrast, counts the depletion or degradation of wetlands, forests, farmland, and nonrenewable minerals (including oil) as a current cost.

Pollution
The GDP often counts pollution as a double gain: Once when it is created, and then again when it is cleaned up. By contrast, the GPI subtracts the costs of air and water pollution as measured by actual damage to human health and the environment.

Long-Term Environmental Damage
Climate change, ozone depletion, and nuclear waste management are long-term costs arising from the use of fossil fuels, chlorofluorocarbons, and atomic energy, respectively. These costs are unaccounted for in ordinary economic indicators. The GPI treats as costs the consumption of certain forms of energy and of ozone-depleting chemicals. It also assigns a cost to carbon emissions to account for the catastrophic economic, environmental, and social effects of global warming.

Changes in Leisure Time


As a nation becomes wealthier, people should have more latitude to choose between work and free time for family or other activities. In recent years, however, the opposite has occurred. The GDP ignores this loss of free time, but the GPI treats leisure as most Americans do-as something of value. When leisure
time increases, the GPI goes up; when Americans have less of it, the GPI goes down.

Defensive Expenditures
The GDP counts as additions to well-being the money people spend to prevent erosion in their quality of life or to compensate for misfortunes of various kinds. Examples are the medical and repair bills from automobile accidents, commuting costs, and household expenditures on pollution control devices such
as water filters. The GPI counts such "defensive" expenditures as most Americans do: as costs rather than as benefits.

Lifespan of Consumer Durables & Public Infrastructure
The GDP confuses the value provided by major consumer purchases (e.g., home appliances) with the amount Americans spend to buy them. This hides the loss in well-being that results when products wear out quickly. The GPI treats the money spent on capital items as a cost, and the value of the service they provide year after year as a benefit. This applies both to private capital items and to public infrastructure, such as highways.

Dependence on Foreign Assets
If a nation allows its capital stock to decline, or if it finances consumption out of borrowed capital, it is living beyond its means. The GPI counts net additions to the capital stock as contributions to well-being, and treats money borrowed from abroad as reductions. If the borrowed money is used for investment, the negative effects are canceled out. But if the borrowed money is used to finance consumption, the GPI declines.

While the GPI does not perfectly account for all broader concept of wealth that Joe points to, it defintely captures some of it, and gets us headed in the right direction by re-grounding macro-economic measures in the underlying well-being of people.  But, again, this is a concept that virtually no one in America has ever heard of. And again, the solution, ultimately, is to massively invest in the infrastructure needed to get our ideas out.

Finally, there are these last ideas from Joe's list:

Markets are tools for achieving societal goals. Markets must serve our purposes. We construct them to do so. Solving the climate crisis is not a matter of "waiting for the market." It is a matter of shaping markets so that they generate wealth in the broad sense.

Government makes markets possible. Markets cannot function without rules of operation, courts to enforce those rules, banks to secure financial transactions, stock markets to manage the exchanges, and more. All of these features come from government. It is ironic that conservatives talk about shrinking government, but they never mention these functions. This is because conservatives fundamentally do not understand how markets work! Their worldview makes them blind to it.

I do not have specific, compact bodies of ideas to refer to with respect to these points.  To the contrary, there are many different sources of thought that support them. In this case, what is missing is simply a public conversation-or, rather, two of them.  One about the conscious shaping of markets to meet human needs, the other is about government's role in making markets possible at all.  And again, the way to ensure that such conversations take place is to create the instutional infrastructure to support them-the intellectual infrastructure to develop the ideas, and the media infrastructure for publicly discussing them.

In conclusion, Joe writes:

We know the facts. Hell, we knew them all along. But our facts only make sense when people understand what is really going on. We need a new common sense.

Indeed.  One of the simplest ways of explaining the concept of hegemony is "ideology in drag as common sense."


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Consider Copernicus, or Jefferson (0.00 / 0)
Liberals are often mesmerized by the power of their own ideas; that is, they believe them so self-evident that their mere articulation will win wide public acceptance.

But consider Copernicus. Since he de-centered the earth, we've actually had the infrastructure to make it "common sense" that the earth revolves around the sun. Yet, there are still large groups of people who argue the contrary.

One of them, apparently, is Texas Republican state Rep. Warren Chisum, who gave his colleagues a flyer about the "Copernican Conspiracy." This is just to point out that it takes a lot to turn ideas into common sense, just as you argue.

Another example, of course, is in the Declaration of Independence. "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal..." As self-evident as they are, it's not clear that even a majority of Americans today believe that to be the truth.  


To Be Fair, Glenn (0.00 / 0)
They don't actually believe that the Earth is flat.

They're perfectly aware that it has bumps on it.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
I should watch the hyperbole (0.00 / 0)
If only laughter could get it all done, 'cause I haven't quit since I read "bumps on it."

[ Parent ]
Take these ramblings for what they are worth. (0.00 / 0)
I really think these two posts are raising complex and important questions. They are probably over my head. However, it would be good to frame an environmental agenda within an ideology that is capable of actually addressing that magnitude and complexity of the problems we face.

First it seems that the notion that the "free market" is going to address global warming and other ecological crises is simply absurd. In an ecological sense, human beings are, like most organisms, opportunistic. They have narrow interests and will multiply and exploit resources until their environment collapses. That is what we are currently doing to the planet. Some organisms have evolved internalized behavioral or physiological checks to avoid the catastrophic effects of the cycle of overpopulation and ecological collapse. Other populations are checked by predation. For humans there is no recourse except to plan our way out of ecological disaster--if we can do it.

The question of what set of ideas, what ideological framework, would provide the best means to address these problems is really tough. Personally, I am highly distrustful of people who advocate an overly planned economy as a simple remedy to the problems of global warming. Planned economies don't work because no one has the omniscient necessary to fully understand a diverse and healthy economy.

It seems to me that a largely free but regulated approach is the best. For example, I don't trust the government to make good choices about alternative energy. Just look at bio fuels, which have been championed by environmentalists, corporations and politicians alike. Not such a good idea after all it seems. I would trust government to tax the things we want to limit, like carbon fuels and prohibit things we don't want like toxic chemicals. But, I believe that entrepreneurial efforts are the best way to proliferate eco-friendly technologies.

The question seems to boil down to this: what ideological framework can provide the guidance and the flexibility to address such complex problems? I would advocate a few things:

1. Get past the Worker/Capitalist framework for discussing every economic issue. This framework does not apply in the same way it did in the 19th Century or even during the New Deal. Republicans understood this when they brought out the "ownership society" meme. What they were doing was completely dishonest, but they understood that entrepreneurship is inherently human and appealing to most ambitious Americans. In my opinion entrepreneurship is as important to a healthy society as fair labor practices, social justice or the rule of law.

2. If we want to tax or regulate business we should drop the notion that business is inherently bad and figure out how to clearly distinguish between good and bad business practices. With regard to global warming, business will be a key part of the solution and that is a good thing. It is a matter of structuring the regulatory environment to ensure that they have an incentive to innovate and behave.

3. Libertarians teach us to respect individual freedom and choice. The Left should be willing to embrace this although not at the exclusion of a civil and just society. I believe that the transformation to a sustainable economy will happen much faster if people have a personal incentive to do so and multiple choices in the process.


I'm Not Sure About Your Terms Here (0.00 / 0)
Terms like "planned economy," for example.  Most of the world has planned economies, so far as I'm concerned: they are planned for unsustainable export-lead growth.  This is what we got, pretty much, in the wake of the 1970s oil shocks and US stagflation.  It was a policy disaster that many folks still don't get.

But if you mean a Soviet-styled planned economy, then I have to ask, "Just who are you arguing against?"

I should remind you that when Hayek wrote The Road To Serfdom as a jerymiad against planned economies, he was praised by no less than John Maynard Keynes.

So, bottom line, I think you're writing in terms of a lot of high-level concepts that mean very different things to different people, and without context it's virtually impossible to for me to know how much we agree or disagree where you are talking about them.

But I do have the general sense that we probably agree on some things and disagree on others.

Rather than try to hash those out, let me advance an idea here, and see how it strikes you.  It's my perspective that economics is terribly primative science, that is highly distorted by ideological and self-interested biases.  We need to place a lot more emphasis on measures outside of economics--such as indices of individual, social and environmental health, for example--and premise policy adjustments primarily on how those behave, in turn calibrating our economic measures to become more reflective of objective realities beyond the relatively closed system of purely money-based market economics.

The kinds of actions we take in doing this should focus on socially balancing risks and opportunities so as to sustain the resilience of all systems, and recognize a shared obligation of all those now living to leave a better future for generatios yet to come--not in the abstract, but in specifically measurable, operationally adjustable ways.

If we commit ourselves to such a course of action, it is my feeling that we will have a solid foundation for making further adjustments and innovations over time as our understanding of economics matures, and our threat of carelessly endangering ourselves as a species receeds.


"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Clearer? (0.00 / 0)
What I am getting at is that the Progressive movement should not shy away from co-opting those aspects of conservative ideology or rhetoric that are actually true--even within a progressive agenda. As an example, micro-lending (if I am correct) would be an example of a practical economic tool that can substantially improve the lives of people in impoverished communities. It enables entrepreneurship on a broad scale by tiny capitalists-poor women. But it is also enabling the market economies (literally) of those communities. The road from serfdom?

So what I am advocating is trying to identify the areas where conservative ideology or conservative principles can be found within our own agenda and use that to reframe the terms of the economic debate-in our favor. After all, it is ironic that the current manifestation of "free market" economic philosophy turns out to be the monopolistic/crony capitalism of the Reagan and Bush Administrations. Talk about the road to serfdom, indeed.

I agree that it is important to change the very definition of wellbeing beyond simply monetary terms but that is an uphill battle given the commercial world surrounding us. Still I agree with the impetus of your posts. It is exciting to see these ideas in development.


[ Parent ]
Markets Aren't A Conservative Idea (0.00 / 0)
In fact, Adam Smith was considered a radical when he wrote, and he was very much writing in opposition to a similar sort of crony capitalism to what we see embraced by the right today.

A good 40 years after he wrote The Wealth of Nations it was selectively embraced by the post-Napoleonic rising British liberal commercial class, but it took quite a bit longer for conservatives to embrace his ideas.

In fact, if you want to understand, in general, where I'm coming from, the title of diary "Market Realism vs. Market Fundamentalism", says it in a nutshell.

If one looks at markets as human creations that, like all human creations, have both strengths and weaknesses, proper uses and improper ones, then your starting off on the right foot, and have a good shot at grasping what's going on in the world.

But, if you regard them as magical or divine creations, beyond the reach of human reason (much less critical inquiry), then not so much.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Another good one. (0.00 / 0)
This is another great post and it helps me understand the point I am trying to make about economics and the environment. For example, the rhetoric currently employed in the debate (and the ideology framing it) enables the LA Times to simplify it to "an unholy alliance." It seems that the market fundamentalists have fully commandeered the language surrounding the debate and reduced it to an either or proposition. In my opinion the Left has been, up until now, largely acquiescent in this process and has employed an out of date set of ideas to counter this ideology.

But what you are advocating is a market strategy that is as subtle as it is precise. My only question is how can Progressives change the rhetoric of the debate to make room for solutions that work on multiple (environmental, economic, human behavior, etc.) levels? And, what kind of ideological framework--if effectively promoted--would prepare the public, media, and politicians for solutions like this?  


[ Parent ]
Good Questions (0.00 / 0)
And the ultimate answers have to come from an ongoing process of discussion, debate, and just trying things out.  But I think that a combination of different perspectives need to be joined together, including Lakoff's.

One quick answer, however, in terms of opening up space for more to follow, is the simple observation that "The market is wonderful servant, but a terrible master."  This is something that I think almost everyone can get on an intuitive level, which creates a potential receptivity for further elaboration, or for discussion of a specific case in point.  

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
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