Brooks Needs to Go Back to School on his History Lesson

by: Mike Lux

Wed Jul 23, 2008 at 16:15


Being the history buff that I am, I always perk up when a columnist discusses history to make a political point.  The other day, David Brooks did that, and boy did he screw it up.
Mike Lux :: Brooks Needs to Go Back to School on his History Lesson
He started out by listing five big problems that will force the federal government to "act in gigantic ways."  He even mentioned some topics progressives focus on, like the erosion of the social contract in health care, education, financial market reform, and infrastructure reform.  It was ridiculous that he didn't mention climate change, since that is the most important long-term issue facing the entire earth, and will require a complete restructuring of the economy-but hey, for a conservative, it seemed like a pretty honest and reasonable start to his column.

But then he got ridiculous.  He informed readers that periods of governmental change have often been periods of conservative rule.  His argument was completely ahistorical in two major ways:

The first and most important way was all the examples of progressive leaders he left out.  The biggest and most important periods of major change in the last hundred years were in the 1960s (ending Jim Crow, Medicare, Medicaid, Head Start, women's rights, environmental legislation, etc.) and the New Deal era of the 1930s.  Our government was not exactly led by conservatives in those eras.

He also left out the 1860s.  On the one hand, I give Brooks credit for not trying to claim Lincoln as a conservative, as some conservatives have tried to do over the years (that argument was thoroughly destroyed by Garry Wills' brilliant book Lincoln at Gettysburg).  The key thing to know about the huge changes the 1860s wrought-which included abolishing slavery, the Homestead Act, the Land Grant University System, the first progressive income tax, and the three most important and progressive amendments to the Constitution outside of the Bill of Rights-was that the people who drove the change throughout that decade were a group known as the Radical Republicans.  As their name implies, they weren't exactly conservatives-in fact, they were the most radically progressive group of Congressional leaders in power at least until the New Deal.  

So the stuff Brooks chose to leave out was, um, pretty big.  I guess when you are trying to make an argument and most of the biggest examples don't fit, you just choose to leave huge chunks of history out of the story.  

His argument's second rather huge failing is attempting to claim Teddy Roosevelt as a conservative.  I'm not going to comment on Disraeli (his other example), because I'm no expert on British history.  But having just finished writing a book that traced the policies and political arguments of progressives vs. conservatives in American history, I can tell you that the Teddy Roosevelt link to conservatism is absurd.  Except for his imperial aggressiveness in foreign policy and his mixed feelings about labor unions, Roosevelt acted and spoke as a clear progressive in a progressive era.  He led a crusade to break up the big corporate trusts; he established the modern National Park system; he imposed food safety regulations on the meat packers; he supported ending child labor; he was the only President between Lincoln and F.D.R to openly welcome a black man (Booker T. Washington) to the White House.  Politically, he fought a running war against the conservative, pro-big business Congressional establishment in his own party, and was so horrified when his successor (Taft) sided with the conservative wing of the party, that he destroyed Taft's chances of re-election by running on a progressive third-party ticket.

So Brooks, you're blowing smoke.  Times of big change require progressive politicians to pull it off.


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Largely agree with you except on environmental laws (4.00 / 1)
The majority of the environmental legisaltion we rely on today was passed in the 1970's, following the Torrey Canyon oil tanker spill off Santa Barbara in 1969. Also important was the spontaneous ignition of the Cuyahoga River in Cleveland in the summer of 1969.  The National Environmental Policy Act was passed in 1969, the Clean Air Act extension in 1970, the key federal Water Pollution Control Amendments (aka Clean Water Act) in 1972, and the Toxic Substances Control Act and Resource Cionservation and Recovery Act later in the '70s.  Nixon was President during most of this time.

Those laws were bipartisan.

John McCain--He's not who you think he is.


Uh (0.00 / 0)
The Torrey Canyon oil spill was off the western coast of Cornwall, Great Britain.  It happened in 1967.  The Santa Barbara oil spill was the result of a screw up on a drilling rig in the Santa Barbara channel.  It happened in 1969.

[ Parent ]
Disraeli was a Progressive Reformer (0.00 / 0)
I had a great professor of English History way back when -- in the 19th Century, both of the British political parties were progressive reformers.

Disraeli (Leader of the Tory/Conservative party) advocated policies for Social Reform; Gladstone (Leader of the Liberal party) advance political reform. By the early 20th century, the Liberal party had reformed itself out of a job, and was replaced by the Labor party.

The two men couldn't been more different in their personal habits -- Disraeli was Jewish (although baptized an Anglican) and something of a dandy/libertine; Gladstone was a moralist, in the mold of Victorian puritanism.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B...

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/W...


To Brooks, all writing (0.00 / 0)
is apparently creative writing.  He takes liberties with the facts so frequently that it is an established feature of his "style".  But the real underlying error of his conservative ideology is a logical contradiction.  

Conservatism as an attitude is the requirement that change occur only when absolutely necessary, and then only incrementally, in gradual steps.  In other words, what "is" is seen as the desired outcome.  It is the target condition, since change is the activity which it tries to control, and if possible, suppress.  This is why conservatism appeals so to the rich.  They are rich.  They wish to remain rich.  Change is the enemy.  Recall that a "conservative" investment is one which seeks above all else to preserve the investor's capital.

However, like all ideology, conservative ideology is built on argument.  In conservative ideology, arguments are marshalled for the purpose of defending and preserving the desired conditions, the empowerment of conservative policies.  That is the situation we are in now.  The conservative policies of Bush are constantly being defended by conservative theorists such as Brooks and Kristol.  

And in making the arguments which lead back to the existing conditions, brought to you by conservative ideology, Brooks and Kristol time and time again commit the logical fallacy of reasoning backward from the conclusion to the arguments. The history of this technique, and its refutation,  are too voluminous and too ubiquitous to allow of any thorough exegesis, but that really doesn't matter, because every beginning student of logic is taught early on that reasoning from the conclusion to the premises of an argument is logically invalid, and not reasoning at all.

But Brooks and Kristol delight in doing it.  The Iraq war, a conservative gift to the world, is held to be not only justified, but the right course of world affairs to have been chosen.  When its rationale, the destruction of the WMD, becomes illusory, it is nevertheless still possible to prove that the conclusion, the invasion, was right, so other reasons are advanced.  If by definition what the NeoCons did was right, then there must be premises which can lead to the conclusion. Therefore the fever dream of peace and democracy breaking out throughout the Middle East is offered as a premise.  Now, not only can a valid premise not be manufactured for a conclusion which has been seized on without the premise's having been present, but even more importantly, by the laws of logic, the premise must be provable as valid in order for any conclusion arrived at through it to be valid.  But the fantasy of democracy and peace spreading outward from conquered Iraq not only is not proven to be valid, in fact no evidence is ever adduced for it.  It is simply asserted, and then taken to function as a premise for an argument proving that the invasion was the right course.

And this procedure is typical of Brooks, and especially of Kristol, in spite of the fact that their whole attitude is  known and demonstrable to be logically invalid.

Again, the article by Brooks you reference is unmistakably a case of attempting to manufacture arguments to buttress a pre-determined conclusion: as always, that conservatism is better, wiser, and smarter than something. This is Brooks's entire motivation for picking over the minutiae of history in an attempt to find something, however insignificant, to accord with his thesis.  Brooks, and conservatives in general, are conducting historical criticism and political punditry in bad faith.  They are deliberately violating the rules of logic in their arguments because the validity of the arguments are not important to them, and the conclusions are pre-determined.  Brooks, Kristol, and other conservatives almost without exception are not voices of reason, not observers uninvested in the conclusions logic may lead them to, but propagandists pure and simple.

They start with the outcome they want, and then reason backwards to find arguments why that outcome should occur.


Mike (0.00 / 0)
Right on!

"Incrementalism isn't a different path to the same place, it could be a different path to a different place"
Stoller


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