No, We Can't All Just Get Along, Part II (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)

by: educationaction

Tue Aug 19, 2008 at 15:48


(Following on Chris's argument in "The End Of Bubba Dominance", if a religiously and racially diverse coalition is the future of American politics, will we actually be able to govern effectivel?  Community organizing and national electoral politics are not the same thing, but neither are they totally unrelated. Hence, there's a lot of food for thought in this diary, even if community organizing isn't your primary focus. - promoted by Paul Rosenberg)

We would all like to be able to just sit down with diverse collections of citizens from all walks of life and work together to solve the problems we face.  My last post , however, discussed research showing that diverse contexts are unlikely to generate robust, free, and equal democratic dialogue.  

I also asserted that it is really difficult to train people to stop dominating each other.  But I didn't really provide any evidence, and commenters were rightly skeptical.  

This post looks at a book by Eric H. F. Law that gives a good description of the ways people from some groups unintentionally end up dominating in small groups while others are silenced.  Law's book shows how subtle the dynamics of domination can be.  

Those new to these posts may want to read Part I and Part II of "What is Organizing?"  See the full series here.

educationaction :: No, We Can't All Just Get Along, Part II (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)
Law's little book, The Wolf Shall Dwell With the Lamb, is less a formal study than a report about his experiences trying to facilitate diverse dialogues in churches.  He lays out the issues in a very basic and yet quite thoughtful manner, as a pastor speaking to other pastors.  The context he is discussing is especially interesting because, as I've noted before, most of the major community organizing groups, today, focus on congregations.

Law simplifies things quite a bit in this book.  But this kind of simplification can be very illuminating as long as we remember that's what it is.  As usual, remember that any generalization about "culture" never applies in any simple way to any real context or person.

Law focuses on the difference between whites and people of color, but I have argued in earlier posts that the pattern he describes is really more about class than anything else.  

Culture

Law gives a basic introduction to ideas of culture.  His take-home message is that we don't recognize most of the subtle ways our cultures influence our actions.  The most influential aspects of our culture are not the food we eat, or the clothes we wear, but the

hidden internal culture that governs the way we think, perceive, and behave unconsciously.  This is what I call the 'instinct' of our culture. . . .  [These practices] are implicitly learned and are very difficult to change.  We are conditioned to react to our environment in particular ways that are not very different from an instinctual physical reaction to stimuli. . . .  Internal culture is like the air we breathe.

One of his own "'instinctual' reactions to conflict"-as someone raised in a particular Chinese American context-"is to be silent," something that it took him a long time to recognize.  

In a white English-speaking environment, when I disagreed with what was going on, all I knew was that people ignored me. I could not understand why they did not read my message of disapproval.  I did not realize that they probably interpreted my silence as consent, indifference, or incompetence.  Even though I am consciously aware of this now, my initial reaction to most conflict is still silence.

In general, then, "most cultural clashes" are not conscious.  Instead, these clashes

happen on the internal cultural level-on the instinctual level where the parties involved are not even conscious of why they feel the way they do.  Since each person thinks only in her own thought pattern, she cannot even understand why the others do not perceive things the way she does.

The underlying sources of conflicts like these are difficult to identify, and they are difficult to change even if one can identify them.

Power

Middle-class white Americans are taught that they have the power to change society and make a difference.  

If a white, middle-class person is mistreated by the system, her first reaction would be to speak up, fight back, and undo this injustice.  This is the behavior of a person who perceived herself to have power.

Of course, white middle-class people experience much less oppression, so that oppression seems like an anomaly to them.  They expect "fairness," and bristle when they don't get it.  

A person who perceived himself to be powerless would just accept the injustice as part of life that a powerless person endures.

It's important to stress that he's really talking about people's sense of individual power.  Supposedly "powerless" people often prove quite powerful in broader social contexts.  Members of the working-class, especially, can draw on quite deep traditions of collective action and solidarity.  Middle-class professionals too often end up stuck "processing" their individual perspectives, or waste their energy on individual lifestyle changes (look at my Prius!) instead of efforts to generate collective power.

This brings Law to a key observation.  As the collective economic power of middle-class Americans has declined, he notes, they have sporadically

tried to be in "solidarity with" the poor but found their efforts fruitless and frustrating.  This is because even though in reality they may be equals in terms of economic and political power, their attitude and behavior based on their difference in perceptions of power still separate them.

Interaction in Groups

As Law worked to facilitate multicultural groups, he repeatedly found that "the white members of the group would disclose their insights and thoughts verbally and freely while the people of color would just sit and listen."  Overall the pattern he found is this one:

Whites

White [middle-class, professional] group members participate as they always do, and talk when they have something to say.  If they disagree with someone, they disagree with them verbally and openly.  Pretty soon, they realize that some others are not speaking.  So, with all good intentions, they try to include them by giving subtle kinds because it is not considered polite to put people on the spot. . . .  The more they try, the more the people of color close up.  As a result, they make decisions without the input and concordance of the people of color members, even though they appear to have consented to it.  Then, the people of color get blamed for not participating.  Occasionally, some what members feel guilty about dominating the group once more.

Working-Class People, Poor People, and People of Color

People of color [again, he's really mostly referring to working-class and poor people] take part in the group by expecting an authoritative leader to tell them what will happen and what to do.  Instead, they hear many people talking without being invited to speak first.  The assumption then is that these people must have a great deal of power and authority; so they let them talk and do not challenge them.  Then, the white members of the group start hinting that they should be talking also but without a direct invitation. . . .  When the meeting ends, they leave and refuse to come back again.  

Again, Law is talking about churches, one of the most class-segregated settings in American life.  When people come together from different churches, they often come from very different institutional ways of interacting.  One need only think of the stereotype of middle-class professional Unitarians--always reading the hymn one line ahead to make sure they agree with it.  This is fundamentally different from more pastor-led and tradition-centered practices in working-class and poor churches.  Interactions between people from different classes across congregations often exemplify these issues in especially poignant ways.  

Distributing Power Equally

The solution, Law argues, is to find ways to run group dialogues that distribute power more equally.  His solution is a model where each participant "invites" other participants to participate, so that everyone eventually contributes.  

While this solution seems quite useful for intergroup-dialogue sessions, the different organizers I have spoken to haven't really seen it as a workable model for organizing sessions, where the goal is to get something done, not to listen carefully to each other's personal experience.  Sure, it could be a useful addition, but not a practice that would work overall for the specific needs of social action.  

That's why I proposed different power equalization strategies in the last post:

First, create spaces where people from non-middle-class groups can work together without many middle-class folks around.

Second, have at least some people from working-class and poor groups come into mixed groups as representatives of their groups, something that research has shown to empower these representatives to participate on a more equal basis.

Whether or not these seem workable, hopefully it is clear to folks why trying to train a large and shifting group of participants to act differently with each other is not likely a winning strategy.

Update

There is a danger in being this short.  Let me just add that my point, here, is NOT that training or talk about these issues isn't important.  Groups that don't do this are likely heading for a disaster.  We need to engage with and learn about our differences and the ways these differences drive us apart and can bring us together.

But I'm still not convinced it will solve the problem.


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This Diary Seems Especially Timely (0.00 / 0)
in the context of Chris's diary yesterday, "The End Of Bubba Dominance".  (I intended to promote it to attract more attention, but I've been unable to, due to a server error.)

Obviously, we're talking about two different levels here--a national coalition of voting blocks vs. local groups of potential activists working together.  But I can't help thinking that related forms of culturally-based misunderstandings pose a serious barrier to realizing the full potential of the electoral coalition that Chris points to.  

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


Thanks (0.00 / 0)
My fault for not being clear in the first place.

These are great ideas, some of which I've seen used successfully (but, I'm afraid, not consistently enough).

Having so many people be real "leaders" in such a group would seem to fundamentally change the dynamics.  To some extent, these people are used to being "representatives" and that may, in fact, serve the same kind of empowering purpose I'm talking about.  You can tell me if that sounds off base.  

The truth is that the organization I work with has not really done the best job doing this training--I've talked about that earlier in a post on issues with race and class--so I honestly would love to hear that what I am saying is wrong.  Even so, the people I know are, in fact, very committed to spreading "power" around, even as they struggle with the issues that Law lays out.  I find myself falling into the patterns Law discusses myself, even though I am very "conscious" of them.  And this is likely, in part, because the organization in general doesn't have a strong culture or history of dealing with these issues.

Talking with other people in similar situations, however, I have heard about groups that do a better or worse job.  But when pressed, in my experience, people generally agree that these tensions lurk under the surface and do deeply affect who participates and how, and perhaps more importantly, who sticks around.  

If even groups that do many of the things you say still have these problems, then are they really dealing with them?  

The problem I'm discussing is especially an issue, I think, with congregational groups like mine, where often people who come to participate aren't "leaders," but are everyday parishoners, without much experience in settings like this.  Often these people do come from very different class and cultural positions.  These folks too often don't stick around, for the reasons I'm noting--even when we do these kind of activities.  Largely, I think, because when the meeting leaves more structured realms to the real "work" of planning, etc., these practices break down.

The video idea is great.  Except, in my group, there are hardly enough resources of time and etc. to simply keep issues moving in the first place.  There is a catch-22, here, with the resources you have to do things like this, and the resources (of people, etc.) you might get if you could pull this off.  It seems likely to me that this kind of monitoring is one way to actually deal with these issues, if you could do it consistently.  But I'm not sure we're really equipped to add this to our plate.  

And there is a catch-22 in discussing "dynamics."  Unless you have really well trained people, it can turn into navel gazing, and that turns people off too.  Middle-class people love to discuss "dynamics" in ways that are also exclusionary by the very way they discuss them.  

Again, I'm all for this kind of work, as long as it doesn't start becoming counterproductive, which is for individual groups to decide.  One of the reasons I am pushing so hard on this topic here, however, is that I think many if not most groups don't do a good job with this AND are unlikely to be able to consistently put into effect the kind of cultural shifts you discuss.  In these cases, ESPECIALLY, I think more structural approaches may be the best bet instead of hoping they can solve their problems by training or talking them away--and these structural solutions may be relevant even in the best cases, backing up the training and talking and monitoring solutions.

In the end, however, this is a blog post, not a carefully researched piece.  And I'm a professor, not a deeply experienced organizer.  Which is why responses like yours that will remain attached to the diary are valuable.  

Whether I am right or wrong, I don't think organizers are addressing these issues, in many cases, forthrightly enough--especially in contexts where congregational groups bring middle-class professional congregations together with inner-city poor and working-class churches and generating the kind of cross-class engagements that we rarely see in our society.

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
My experience -- and conclusions -- differ (4.00 / 1)
the different organizers I have spoken to haven't really seen it as a workable model for organizing sessions, where the goal is to get something done, not to listen carefully to each other's personal experience.  Sure, it could be a useful addition, but not a practice that would work overall for the specific needs of social action.

How much experience do they have trying this out?  Have they spent time with the various "dominant" personalities in the group working to get them to understand the consequences of their behavior?  Do they make it clear that membership in the group requires operating in this different way?

My experience is that this is a very workable practice, and while it's more effort, the results are much better.

hopefully it is clear to folks why trying to train a large and shifting group of participants to act differently with each other is not likely a winning strategy.

To the contrary ... if you want to build a diverse alliance where people are treated as equals -- rather than enshrining white, male, upper-class, etc. privilege -- I see it as the only winning strategy.


Okay (0.00 / 0)
Well, I'd love to be wrong.  Can you talk more about the kinds of organizations that are able to make this work.  I'd be interested in seeing a "counter-point" post.  

Perhaps there are particular kinds of more mature groups that have the stability to work this out.  Are you talking about relatively small groups of people?  Are you talking about groups that are really cross-class, or that are collections of leaders of organizations.  I can see it working in groups like this.  

My point, by the way, which I should make clearer, is not that we shouldn't talk about or train about these issues.  Only that this training, by itself, is unlikely to solve these problems.  Ignoring these issues would be a disaster as well.

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
Re: Okay (4.00 / 2)
Sorry for the belated response ... my longest experience was with a group of a few hundred people with a core of 30-50 -- maybe 25% of whom were previously leaders, although over the course of a couple years another 50% or so moved into leadership roles of some kind.  While there was some major class differentiation, it wasn't cross-class in the traditional sense, but I've talked with people who have used similar approaches in those situations.

Probably the most important recommendation is to intellectually and emotionally commit yourself to prioritizing diverse and inclusive participation.  If the leaders of the organization or the meeting organizers/facilitators realize that (despite the difficulties of achieving this) it will give better and faster results, then they can instill this in everybody, and the group's norms will revolve around this.  

On the other hand if the leaders, organizers, facilitators, etc. believe that some people have more to contribute than others -- or bring soooo much to the group that they should be given slack in terms of these behaviors -- then it's virtually impossible to overcome these dynamics.  

A few useful techniques, in addition to Jan's point below about understanding and appreciating others' backgrounds and cultures:

- do initial introductions in terms of what people see themselves as bringing to the group -- not credentials or past experiences.  this works especially well as "speed-networking" where each person introduces themselves to one other person, each spending a minute, and then rotating; in five minutes, it establishes a very inclusive and democratic style of interaction, and highlights that (surprise!) in this group everybody is bringing important value.

- discuss the likely dynamics and why they're problematic up front, and when it crops up during the meeting (or post-meeting discussions), highlight that it's going on, explain again why it's a problem, and do something to change the dynamics

- small-group breakouts within the meeting (or between meetings) can get a lot of the same "representative of" structuring you're suggesting; the difference is that people are now representatives of diverse groups.

- video meetings, and replay them to see much more graphically how much of this is going on

My point, by the way, which I should make clearer, is not that we shouldn't talk about or train about these issues.  Only that this training, by itself, is unlikely to solve these problems.  Ignoring these issues would be a disaster as well.

Ah, I had misunderstood this -- apologies for the sharpness of my tone, and thanks for the update.  I completely agree with this point.


[ Parent ]
Oops (0.00 / 0)
Accidentally attached my response to you to Paul's point above.

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)

[ Parent ]
It's not optional (4.00 / 1)
Training people to work with each other through cultural difference is not optional. I agree with Chris's description of our future political coalitions -- and being a Californian, I've been seeing it for some time. And I am seeing some, still weak, adaptation to these realities.

At the same time, I am profoundly conscious of how the discomfort engendered by rubbing up against people who are different coupled with what I would call nichifying social strategies much encouraged by our marketers make for friction.

The community groups I see that work, and I do see a few, build in training in their bases' cultures. They teach different immigrant groups the history of other groups. They subject their members to the music of their constituents' cultures. Heck, in California, kids get taught to celebrate Chinese New Year as well as Thanksgiving. Creating and nurturing some measure of common culture is simply part of the project in contemporary society and organizing. Those groups that can't imagine this (Alinsky- and labor-derived, often) wither.

Can it happen here?


Right. (0.00 / 0)
I agree that these kinds of engagements are critical. I've added a little update to the post in response to your and Jon's comments. I don't want this to be read as opposed to or unsupportive of these kinds of engagements.  Instead, my worry is that they will not be enough in the specific kind of organizations I have experience with.  

This larger issue about a "common" culture is interesting.  I'm not sure it gets beyond the deeper issues that Law is talking about, however.  And where does "common culture" and "multi-culture" meet?  The old question. But still difficult.

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
Multi-Cultural Education--There's A Reason Conservatives Hate It (0.00 / 0)
Heck, in California, kids get taught to celebrate Chinese New Year as well as Thanksgiving. Creating and nurturing some measure of common culture is simply part of the project in contemporary society and organizing.

This may be a very long-range thing, but all the more reason to to mention it now.  There is very clearly a relationship between cultural institutions and organizing.  The fact that educationaction writes primarily about organizing in faith context is evidence of that.  And creating an educational experience for children that lays the foundation of a common culture is clearly, to me, one of the keys to long-term success.

That said, cultural differences in this sense are only one aspect of the challenge.  Class differences are just as profound, if not moreso.  And what do we learn of class in American education?  Where do we even begin to lay the foundations that could help prepare us to work across class lines?

I was raised middle class, but with a keen awareness of my working-class roots, my grandparents and their siblings all part of an Eastern European Jewish immigrant wave, heavily leavened with working-class intellectuals.  And this has made me a bit out of phase with both.  I'm far too middle-class and individualistic to work well in a working-class context.  But I'm far too critical of bourgoise values--and not just in a Bohemian way, although I'm a Bohemian, too--to fit in comfortably there, either.  So I'm sensitive to what educationaction is talking about, because there are elements of the conflict from both sides within me.

Bridging these gaps is a huge task. But one that will only grow more and more vital for us.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Agreed (0.00 / 0)
If we could do this kind of teaching long-term in school, then perhaps we could make a more substantial dent in these problems.  But are public schools ever going to teach well about class issues?  Will they ever be able consistently to teach subtle issues of power and oppression?  I'm not holding my breath.

Most teachers have very little awareness of these issues.  As someone who has on occasion tried to teach courses about these issues to the dominant suburban middle-class group of teachers, it is enormously challenging.  They don't want to hear it.  It threatens very fundamental aspects of their self-identity.  It requires discussions of their privelige, and of the reality of racism and classism, and many don't want to believe this stuff is real--even those who want to teach in inner-city schools.  

Interestingly enough, I've seen a study where teachers rated "foundations of education" courses, where they are most likely to encounter these issues as the least important courses they took in their training.  

There are many things we can expect from schools.  A broad capacity to teach issues like this well, consistently, might not be one of them.  But that doesn't mean we should stop trying to get as much content about this in there as we can.  The flipside of this issue is that a single compelling teacher can sometimes make a huge difference in kids lives and views of the world at the right time.  

Agreed that the research increasingly shows that class differences are absolutely critical.  But teaching about class is even more difficult than teaching about race in this country.  

Has anyone out there read the Walter Benn Michals book: The Trouble with Diversity: How We Learned to Love Identity and Ignore Inequality?  I haven't gotten to it but it sounds like it might explore some related issues.


--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
Maybe Out Best Shot (0.00 / 0)
is that a revived labor movement may come to prioritize labor education as part of its long-term organizing agenda.  I'm not holding my breath or anything, but it seems like the most likely direction from which any sort of broad institutional change might come.

Here in California, it's worth noting, the UC labor studies program was uniquely singled out for defunding by the Gropenator.  It's been a recurrent battle throughout his tenure.  They don't dare go after ethnic studies.  But they definitely see labor studies as fair game.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
The history of Labor Education (4.00 / 1)
is something I'd like to know a lot more about.  I'm especially interested in the Brockwood Labor College in New York, the first labor college in America (Ella Baker went there, for example).  The 'pubs also tried to shut down labor education at Madison in Wisconsin.

Of course, as your post implies, the kind of labor education that would address issues like this would need to be focused on the development of grassroots democracy.  The current tendency towards centralization that seems to be increasingly dominant would tend to militate against this.  Labor unions won't fund education for real democracy until they actually support real democracy.

Betsy Leondar Wright's work on cross class engagement (classmatters.org) seems like a beginning.  I went to a workshop she ran, and it was one of the most cross-class, cross-race contexts I have seen.  

After saying all this about the limits of education, I am also excited about the possibilities of education.  What if we had the resources to have every person in a non-profit in my city attend a workshop introducing them to traditions of organizing and to the tensions of cross class communication.  Would this start to create the kind of "common" culture that janinsanfran is talking about? I don't know.  What can this do, and what can't it do?  


--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
I Think There Are Great Possibilities Once We Wake Folks Up (0.00 / 0)
You know, the old "sleeping giant" metaphor has more than a mustard seed of truth to it.  

What you're talking about in your last paragraph really excites me.  The problem, for the most, is that don't know what we don't know.  We are, in effect, asleep to the most powerful tools, precisely because we are asleep to our current limitations.  Seeing those limitations, we would then begin to see what sorts of tools we need.

The trick, I'm really starting to believe, is simply to get a critical mass of people aware of this, aware of what's missing and how important it is.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
I have some ideas (4.00 / 2)
about creating some different approaches to doing education in the city, here.  One thing that always shocks me is how little people know about social action in any coherent form.  (Partly why I'm doing this series).  

I wonder what would happen if we could hire someone to just go around in the city and give a basic workshop introducing community organizing to every non-profit and government worker in the city (and anyone else that was interested).  I've actually put together a one to one and a half hour intro workshop designed for people who know NOTHING about organizing, and it seems to work fairly well.  I ran it past a number of other organizers, and they seemed to support the basic educational model.

What would happen if over a period of a year, 5,000 new people in this city simply understood to some limited extent what "community organizing" meant?  Would it do anything? I don't know.  But this is a different approach than we generally take to education.

I'm hoping to be able to give a version of this workshop to local funders (who also generally know NOTHING about organizing or the limits of their incessant focus on service).  

What would happen if a critical mass of people simply knew what the term "community organizing" meant.  If they understood, whether they could take advantage of it or not,that there was another way to approach the kinds of problems they encountered on a daily basis?

Anyway, I think there are a lot of things we could do that we aren't doing if we get out of our old ruts about "how things are done."

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
Sorry to have disappeared from this -- working on a campaign (4.00 / 1)
The kind of teaching you are suggesting sounds really important. And both you and Paul are right that the sort of helping people with the cultural gulfs I'm talking about does NOT address the class contradictions among them. Actually, maybe less than "contradictions", I'm more comfortable with the description of the problem as being something like "different varieties of false class consciousness" we have all learned. The organizing outfits I'm championing usually have NOT achieved anything multi-class, but neither do they teach or describe the class status of their members.

Yes -- we need a labor movement!

Can it happen here?


[ Parent ]
Walter Benn Michaels (0.00 / 0)
I haven't read the book, but have read some of his articles (as well as reviews of the book).  While I agree with his (and many others') point that meaningful discussions of diversity need to include class and other dimensions as well as race; and addressing funding issues and the huge differences between the elite universities and others is also critical, on the whole he seems a pretty typical "white guy against diversity" to me.    Consider this quote from his NY Times article, discussing the identity-diverse University of Illinois-Chicago:

Students, faculty members and administrators often prefer to speak of their cultural identities. Unimpressed by the objection that -- speaking the same language, wearing the same clothes, reading the same books -- they all seem to me to belong to the same culture, my students speak proudly of their own cultures and respectfully of others'.

Oh.  Well, yeah, if he thinks that everybody at the school is of the same culture, and mock them for respecting others' cultures, then I can see why he doesn't put a lot of value on multiculturalism.  

Similarly, when he frames an analysis of the inherent opposition between equality and multiculturalism in a reading of F. Scott Fizgerald and Ernest Hemingway (consistent with what Wikipedia describes as his argument that "1920s American nativist modernism was the "research and development" phase of an identitarianism that came to dominate twentieth century American ideas), it's really hard to avoid the impression that he's privileging a certain cultural perspective.

Of course, I'm sure he has his fans ...  


[ Parent ]
I'd kind of worried the book was like that (0.00 / 0)
I'll probably avoid it.  We've all read enough stuff like that.  I would like to find some more sophisticated discussions of the shift from class to different kinds of identities, and how class still is far in the background despite its importance, without denigrating the need to talk about various kinds of "identity"--which itself was left out by many of the folks focusing on class in the past--the old story.  I've read some stuff, but it seems to me like there is a powerful history to be read--I'm sure someone has done this, but I'm currently trapped in figuring out the 1920s.

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)

[ Parent ]
I Think This Oversimplifies What MIchaels Is Saying (0.00 / 0)
And while I might not agree with him in the end, I think he raises serious issues.  There really has been a shift of focus from fighting against economic inequality to fighting for racial identity.

From that wikipedia entry:

Michaels suggests that the language of identity has displaced an argument about economic inequality - that we now have a politics of recognition, but not a politics of redistribution. Such has been the argument of his 2006 book The Trouble with Diversity: How We Learned to Love Identity and Ignore Inequality, which stresses that America is too preoccupied with issues regarding race at the expense of those involving class.

What's been done in this diary series (among other things) is that it's been pointed out how class itself functions as a kind of identity, which is, in fact, a further turning of the progression as Michaels would describe it.  So I don't think that his writing is necessarily valueless for the concerns raised here.

Indeed, I think it's pretty hard to argue with the basic point that class-based politics has receded.  I think that what Michaels describes is real.  The question is, what else is also real.  In Don't Think of An Elephant, George Lakoff describes six different types of progressive.  The struggle to unite, or at least co-ordinate these different types is one of the most important tasks we face. I think that doing so requires both that we think about conceptual foundations, and that we engage in theorists who make the best possible cases for and against the different perspectives.  Michaels would seem to be one of these.

Now, I'm not saying that everyone should drop whatever else they're doing.  And it could well be the case that reading him does not serve either of your priorities.  I'm simply saying that my initial followup indicates that I think it's mistaken to simply characterize him as "a pretty typical 'white guy against diversity'".

In short, I think that he makes a very good point about the displacement of economic inequality and the need to reverse it.  And I think we might need to read him carefully in seeking to redress that.  But I don't think we need to sacrifice a concern with diversity to do so.  We need to enrich it.  Which, I think, is part of what educationaction has been doing by focusing attention on the "culture of class" if you will.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
I agree, of course, (0.00 / 0)
with your general argument, and about the real tragedy of the tendency to downplay class over the last few decades.  I do get tired, however, of the tendency of too many of the "class" people to disregard, in return, the importance of "identity" (often in the context of complaining that the "identity" people ignored them for so long, which is true).  And I increasingly avoid writers who seem trapped in this paradigm, for good or for ill.  

I would like to see more work that focuses on the ways these are complexly intertwined, which is difficult work.  I'm thinking of stuff like Mary Patillo's Black on the Block and Black Picket Fences which explores class in the context of race in Chicago.  I'm actually planning to write a piece for this series drawing on Patillo's examination of how class confounds efforts by different segments of the African American community to work together on efforts to "reclaim" inner-city areas.  

As an aside, it's interesting to me to see how much questions of class have infused my perspective on organizing.  Part of what's fun about writing these pieces is that I can surprise myself in retrospect by what I've dashed off, a very different experience than the incredibly anal research I tend to do for "academic" pieces.  I can see why most academics don't participate on blogs--your mistakes and unconscious biases are often out there to be seen.  At the same time, I'm increasingly weary of the lack of dialogue you get when you publish academic work, regardless of how prestigious the journal might be.  I'd rather have a "sharp" response than no response.  Anyway, I very much appreciate everyone who takes the time to comment.  

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
Not quite the same thing (0.00 / 0)
but Sara Robinson has a great post up about culture and politics over at Campaign for America's Future:

http://www.ourfuture.org/blog-...

You could almost overlay the dichotomy of what is here called middle class vs working class on her schema of "Northern" (Puritan and Quaker) versus "Southern" (Cavalier and Borderer). And this is helpful because both of these articles, taken together, go a long way towards explaining the clashes we get into among ourselves.

Also I just want to thank you for this series, I have enjoyed it very much, though I never appreciated before just how working class I really am. I thought I left all that behind but, as you say, this stuff runs so deep it is virtually on the level of instinct.

Montani semper liberi


I Did Several Diaries About Albion's Seed At DKos In Early 2007 (0.00 / 0)
I was actually writing more directly about Jane Smiley discussing Albion's Seed on Huffington Post.  There was quite a contingent that didn't like what Smiley and Fischer had to say.

My diaries were "Political Correctness vs. Discussing American Culture At DKos", "Jane Smiley and James Webb-Contrasting Views on The Scots Irish" and "A Four-Fold Vision of American Politics".


"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Fascinating Article (0.00 / 0)
It emphasizes the point that the key cultural dynamics in any particular context will often be different.  The same kinds of issues can emerge within class groups, for example.  (Some working class folks prefer people who speak their mind loudly, others prefer quite persuaders, for example).  I focus on class in part because this is a key power divide in America.  It would help if poor people and middle-class people could work together, because together they could generate much more power.  Alinsky recognized this especially at the end of his life.  But when poor organizations reach out to bring in middle-class members, they run into the kinds of problems I have discussed in the last couple of posts.

Thanks!

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
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