The Big Picture Behind The Mumbai Attacks

by: Paul Rosenberg

Mon Dec 01, 2008 at 17:02


This morning on Democracy Now!, Vijay Prashad, author of The Darker Nations: A People's History of the Third World, offered a capsule backstory of how it was that once ineffective appeals to religion-based politics have grown to the point threatening more and more of the world with senseless violence:

VIJAY PRASHAD: You know, there's a broad sociological story the starts in the 1970s. Until the 1970s, parties that identified themselves as religious parties pretty much had very, very low ability to pull people out to vote for them. In the 1970s, when the Indian government shifted its ability to provide social welfare, to provide agricultural credit to the vast bulk of the people, essentially, when it broke down the Nehruvian part of social development, at that point to gain legitimacy even the Congress Party, which was Nehru's party, started to bring in religious forms of mobilization to gain legitimacy, but they were outflanked on the right by the Hindu Party, particularly the Bharatiya Janata Party, which in the 1980s took off at an unimaginable pace. It created this family of organizations. In a way it outsourced its terror to groups such as the Bajrangdal and most recently to this group that committed, perhaps, the blast in Malegaon, a town northeast of Mumbai, in 2006. This group is called Abinhav Bharat.

More on the flip...

Paul Rosenberg :: The Big Picture Behind The Mumbai Attacks
VIJAY PRASHAD: [continued] So, these groups all across the country have been committing atrocities, mainly against Muslim populations, but not only, also against Christians, also against people who in India are known as tribals, and others. So, there's been this growth of the kind of Hindu politics, in a way, because the state has been incapable of providing an agenda for the social development, the complete development, of the Indian population.

And, of course, in reaction to this, you've seen the growth of Muslim politics, of resentment and anger. One of the groups that was formed in the 1970s was known as SIMI, the Student Islamic Movement of India. At that time, inspired by the Iranian revolution, by the Islamic revolution. But later, the resentment grows and many groups then would come out of there. Young people see no future, turning to hatred and bitterness. And what I find is, for them the politics of the present isn't often future looking, it's backward looking. They look to the past, to resentment, to revenge, to rage and there are Hindu forms of terror that have developed which are being met by groups that are, you know, Muslim forms, etc., and this is a soup that is very, very dangerous. And now, of course, the Hindu forms of terror have a political party, which is the one that is breathing fire into the ear of the current government saying, you know, we need a forward policy against Pakistan. So, you know, one mustn't narrow this down to the Mumbai event currently, but broaden the focus and see how there's been this sociological shift from a politics of, you might consider, social democracy to a politics of backward-looking hatred against other people, when you can't provide food, shelter, conviviality to them.

This is what we are up against, both here at home and around the world:  either government helps people create a better future for themselves, or else it falls into the hands of people who keep themselves in power by mobilizing resentment, wave after wave, until everything is washed away before it.

For 40 years, from 1968 onwards, American politics, too, has been dominated by resentments.  We have, at last, a chance to start turning away from all that, turning back to using government to help people make a better future.  But that is easier said than done, particularly since so much foolishness of the past four decades has come to simply be accepted as fact.

Today, for eample, as Obama introduced his national security team, the fantasy was being advanced that force of arms could fight back the madness that a belief in force of arms had first given birth to, nurtured, and then blessed, until, inevitably it turned against us.

We have a lot of waking up to do.


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And Digby and Rick Pearlstein Would Say (0.00 / 0)
There's no hope; we'll never escape Nixonland.

Remedial Reading Is Taught In A Community College Near You! (4.00 / 1)
No excuses!

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3

[ Parent ]
Where the resentments come from (4.00 / 2)
Thanks for posting this POV from the Indian side of the situation. Earlier today, Juan Cole gave a fascinating look from the Pakistani side of the history of resentment that foretold the slaughter in Mumbai, and he traced much of it to Reaganism:
"The model that the Reagan administration pressed on the Pakistani military, of funding rightwing "Islamic" militias to kill Soviets, gradually became standard operating procedure. But then the Pakistani Religious Right began adopting the model for themselves. If it is all right to mobilize death squads in one righteous cause, why not in others?"

The militarism that Reagan wielded did not affect us directly as it did the Indians, Pakistanis, and others in developing countries. But the indirect effect to our culture is still being felt in our reliance on a myth of the "force of arms" as the only means for resolving conflict. Yes, we have much work to do.

Dyads (4.00 / 1)
There's a lot of dyadic thinking Prashad's article. Islamic and Hindu radicals trade punches, and at the moment it's more politically correct to claim that Hindu militias threw the first punch.

Meanwhile, Arundhati Roy and a few other non-aligned Indian writers are looking at a bigger picture. For example...

Work on India's biggest dam has been stalled for six years while opponents and supporters slugged it out in the Supreme Court. On Wednesday, by a majority verdict, judges gave the dam a green light.

The concrete mixers will start churning again on 31 October. But tomorrow, Arundhati Roy, the Booker Prize winner and prominent anti-dam campaigner, and thousands of the small farmers and landless peasants threatened by the Sardar Sarovar, will meet at the town of Badwani, on the edge of the area the dam will ultimately submerge, to protest and plan their next move.

"I don't want any longer to say the movement should be violent or non-violent," Roy told the Independent on Sunday. "The people affected by the project should make that decision. We live in our little islands of privilege amid terrible dispossession - we always live with the fear of what is just outside our door. We know all resources are scarce, so we have an almost religious respect for institutions like the Supreme Court to protect our interests.

"I don't respect the court as an institution: I know it is as much a part of the system as anything else. It offers shelter to the privileged. The other India stands outside the pale.

Both traditional Muslims and traditional Hindus are dispossessed by the same forces, and they mistakenly attack each other in remote villages because their real enemies are out of sight in Delhi and Bangalore.


What was the target in Mumbai? (4.00 / 2)
The BJP and international press have a vested interest in presenting an attack on foreigners in five-star hotels as religious violence, but anyone outside the media bubble might notice that a five-star hotel isn't a Hindu temple.

It couldn't be more obvious that the target of the attacks in Mumbai was globalization, but that particular story is too unpleasant for corporate media and their multi-national owners, so we're deluged with reports about religious animosities originating in pre-history.

But the peculiar fact remains, that the targets in Mumbai were foreigners in five-star hotels, and it's hard to imagine a more obvious symbol of globalization, unless it's the World Trade Center in New York.  


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