Building on the 2006 class that gave Democrats a majority, this freshman class serves to broaden a moderate coalition considered more conservative on social issues, particularly in the House. The Democratic leadership almost certainly will be mindful - as it was in the 2008 election - of the members' individual vulnerabilities, especially since several were elected by extraordinarily narrow margins.
Gary C. Jacobson, an expert on Congress and a professor at the University of California/San Diego, described the cumulative impact of the 2006 and 2008 elections: "I think the effect is to move the Democratic caucus somewhat to the right and if it wants to stay as large as it is now, it has to accommodate these folks.
"You're not going to see any wild, left-wing policymaking," he added. "You're not going to get the Berkeley wish-list out of this crowd."
It has been a consistent refrain here at Open Left that progressives have made substantial gains in the U.S. House, and are now in control of the chamber. However, is the New York Times right, and has the House actually moved to the center rather than the left?
The New York Times is wrong. In the extended entry, I explain why.
While it is somewhat disappointing that a majority of new Democratic members are probably either moderates or conservatives, thus moving the Democratic caucus as a whole toward the center, that is ultimately a narrow view of where the House is headed. Such a view looks only at the Democratic caucus, rather than the entire House, ignores the leadership, and takes ideology as static. and doesn't tell us much. To explain:
Total number of progressives has increased: From 2006-2008, there has been a significant increase in the total number of progressives in the U.S. House. This is undeniable. The only member of the progressive caucus to experience electoral defeat during this stretch was Cynthia McKinney, and a couple of other members either retired or passed away. However, the number of new progressives in the House has increased in numbers far exceeding these meager losses. For example, the progressive caucus has expanded by more than thirty members since early 2005, from 51 to over 80. So, even if the majority of Democrats newly elected in 2006 and 2008 and moderates or conservatives, the total number of progressives in the House is up, not down.
Moderates and Conservatives Declining: While the NYT article is probably correct that the majority of newly elected Democrats are either moderates or conservatives, keep in mind that none of them replaced progressives. They all replaced either moderate or conservative Republicans. Moderate Republicans in particular have been sitting ducks in recent elections, under regularly successful attack in primary and general elections alike. It is unclear to me how a wave of moderates losing elections serves "broaden a moderate coalition."
Ideology isn't static: Another point the New York Times article misses is that the ideological inclinations of House members is not fixed from the moment they enter the chamber to the moment they leave. Beyond and between elections, the ideological and policy orientation of the House can shift. For example, progressives gained dozens of votes on a variety of national security and budgetary votes in 2007-2008, thus moving the caucus to the left without any elections. A few months later, the Bush Dog caucus gained 31 new members, pushing the House to the right without any elections.
Even as I confidently argue that the House is indeed turning to the left, the fourth point is worth remembering. While we have made real gains in the last few months, the situation is not static and nothing should be taken for granted. It is possible to push the chamber even further to the left, just as it is equally possible for there to be backslide to the right. Organizing does not end with elections. Creating a progressive governing majority is a full-time, 24/7/365 task.
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