Buffy, The Moral Clarity Slayer

by: Paul Rosenberg

Sun Sep 23, 2007 at 18:08


Yesterday, discusson of my post on Naomi Klein's book, The Shock Doctrine took an unexpected turn, with accusations that Klein was peddling some sort of conspiracy theory.  It took me too long, really, to post a link along with some excerpts from an interview with Chip Berlet that explained just what conspiracy theories are, so that it would be clear that Klein wasn't doing anything of the sort.

But beyond the confusion about the nature of conspiracy theories, I saw something deeper at work--a distrust of the creative, artistic expression involved in the short film promoting Klein's book.  This sort of distrust is quite widespread.  It is, in part, a distrust of what cannot be rendered into cold hard factual arguments, at least the way that we define them.  We can see it in the legions who dismiss George Lakoff without ever actually having read him.  It is also, in part, a longstanding distrust between the political and the cultural left.  And that made me think of a short article I wrote for my paper back in 2002.  Because, you see, there are very important truths that can best--if not only--be told in the form of stories, which is to say, true lies.

Paul Rosenberg :: Buffy, The Moral Clarity Slayer
"Moral Clarity" is all the rage of late.  It's the reason we condemn the innocent to death-except in Texas, where mistakes are never made.  It's the reason we put ordinary drug-users in prisons for "aiding and abetting" terrorism, except for presidential niece Noelle Bush.  It's the reason we must invade and overthrow the governments of nations that ignore UN Resolutions, unless, of course, they're a trusted ally like Turkey or Israel, or... ourselves. 

If all this "moral clarity" is making your head ache in confusion, there is a remedy as close as your television-Joss Wedon's wise and witty "Buffy, The Vampire Slayer."  It began as a movie whose initial premise was itself an example of "moral clarity"-turning the tables on the Reagan-era deluge of slasher movies whose not-so-subtle subtext was the punishment and obliteration of teenage female autonomy-especially in matters sexual.  Buffy was cheerleader called to a higher purpose-to slash the slashers as the Chosen One.

But that's about where the "moral clarity" ends in the Buffyverse.  In place of the Rocky/Rambo endless repetition route, Buffy takes each endpoint as a new beginning for a deeper, more complicated battle. The TV series began with two moral realms of struggle: that of cosmic good and evil, where battles are impossibly hard, but struggles are non-existent, and that of high school angst, where life itself is an endless struggle.  (Monsters may dismember you, they may even end the world, but the end of the world can be easier to face than asking for your first date.) 

That setup alone subverts the notion that cosmic moral clarity solves all problems. But as soon as the setup is done, it's done-and a good thing, too, since it's only a profound insight for those who haven't had it yet.  In about five seconds it's "D'oh!"  And so the two realms start leaking into each other, starting with Buffy's love for Angel, a vampire with a soul, seeking redemption for two centuries of murder and mayhem.

A lot has happened in the 120+ episodes since then.  Most importantly, Buffy has survived, far longer than Slayers normally do. That's because she has friends, who-against the ancient rules-know her secret identity, and even battle alongside her.  Not only have they brought her back from the dead (twice), they have given her a reason to live, something real, concrete, even mundane, which other Slayers have lacked.  Elsewhere, the heroic realm saves the human.  In the Buffyverse, salvation flows both ways. 

Against this hierarchy of willed reciprocal care, all other hierarchies are evil-even those officially labeled "good"-while Buffy's egalitarian inner circle repeatedly expands to encompass sometimes members of the demon realm, outwardly blurring good and evil ever further, while inwardly clarifying and refining their essence.

Each season has had a dramatic arc involving a struggle with a master evil, played off against more complicated "human" dynamics. Each season's evil trumped that of the season before...until last season.  Last season began with Buffy's second resurrection, after defeating a god the season before, and sacrificing herself, undefeated, to save her younger sister's life.  Super-hero resurrections are notorious for artistic failure, as every comic/fantasy fan in nerdom knows.  And so last season Buffy's "master evil" was a trio of knowing nerds (two of whom she'd saved before) whose mayhem mostly played second fiddle to her own almost bottomless doubts.  Not evil, but the grief of Buffy's closest friend almost destroyed the world at season's end. 

This season, all bets are off.  The ultimate evil hinted at so far is utterly formless-and has briefly taken on the outward form of all ultimate evils before it, plus that of Buffy herself-while friendships (the show's moral core) are frazzled as never before. Wedon began by accepting rigid conventions, tweaking them only gradually, preserving the spirit of inexorable fate as the ultimate protagonist, while slowly dissolving all outward forms of certainty.  No TV series ever has had such a conceptually abstract arc, but what makes it work is its concrete embodiment in moral questions large and small.  And this is Buffy's secret: It is in ever-deepening, ever-evolving questions, not snapshot answers, that true moral clarity lies.  "Moral clarity" must die, that moral clarity may live.


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Here, Here (0.00 / 0)
Buffy was also one of the first shows to have a regular "out" lesbian character whose gayness wasn't a central part to who that character was, but was just another dynamic part of the whole (like normal gay people as opposed to will and grace gay stereotypes). 

I.E. the vast majority of scenes involving Willow or her girlfriend Tara had absolutely nothing to do with lesbianism or homosexuality.  And I believe Buffy had one of the first (or the first) sex scenes between two people of the same sex on primetime. 

Also, it's just a freak'n awesome show. 


Willow Was My Favorite, Obviously (0.00 / 0)
Same last name.  Computer nerd.  Subversive. My virtual sister.

That scene in the first episode in the computer lab. Classic.

What I found really strange, though, was that when she came out, there were all these Christian fundamentalist fans who like, freaked out.  And I was all, like, "Hello, people, what do you think you've been watching these last few years?"

In fact, at first I was utterly flabbergasted that there were such people in the first place.  But then, of course, I realized that they are terribly confused, so why shouldn't they completely misundestand Buffy, along with everything else in the world?  Still, it was pretty hilarious.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
A werewolf in love (4.00 / 1)
Unsurprisingly, I had a massive Willow crush. 

Donkeylicious

[ Parent ]
we are all the coolest types of dorks (4.00 / 1)


[ Parent ]
conspiracy (0.00 / 0)
I love Buffy, "Slayer" is my daughter's default Halloween costume these days.

I took the time to read the Berlet interview, but his focus is mostly right-wing conspiracy theories (BTW, Z magazine? are you serious? Where is Bérubé when you need him). The broader analysis of the function of conspiracies in American politics is Hofstadter's The Paranoid Style in American Politics from 1964. As I glanced over the wikipedia article one quote from the essay stood out for me and pretty closely describes Naomi Klein's video:

The enemy is clearly delineated: he is a perfect model of malice, a kind of amoral superman-sinister, ubiquitous, powerful, cruel, sensual, luxury-loving. Unlike the rest of us, the enemy is not caught in the toils of the vast mechanism of history, himself a victim of his past, his desires, his limitations. He wills, indeed he manufactures, the mechanism of history, or tries to deflect the normal course of history in an evil way. He makes crises, starts runs on banks, causes depressions, manufactures disasters, and then enjoys and profits from the misery he has produced. The paranoid's interpretation of history is distinctly personal: decisive events are not taken as part of the stream of history, but as the consequences of someone's will. Very often the enemy is held to possess some especially effective source of power: he controls the press; he has unlimited funds; he has a new secret for influencing the mind (brainwashing); he has a special technique for seduction (the Catholic confessional).

The brainwashing, profit from disaster, the deflection of liberal economics in an evil way, decisive events as a consequence of Friedman's will. It's as if she cribbed from Hofstadter.

I should be clear, I was not claiming that the CIA did not develop the tortures described, nor do I claim that capitalists do not take advantage of crisis. I deny that the events depicted in the video are a consequence of Friedman's will, or are even of a piece. I'll have to read the book, but I would say I am highly skeptical of its premise.


Hofstadter Is Not God (0.00 / 0)
Hofstadter was a complicated individual, who had some powerfully original things to say. But his views of irrationalism in politics were badly flawed and widely criticized, as historian Jon Weiner explains in this piece from History News Network (a different version of which also appeared in The Nation):

Hofstadter's argument that the historical roots of McCarthyism lay in the Populist tradition, on the other hand, is simply wrong. He argued that the Populist movement of the 1890s was deeply irrational and essentially proto-fascist. The Populists saw the principal source of injustice and economic suffering in rural America in what they called "the money power." In Hofstadter's analysis, this was evidence of irrational paranoia, of "psychic disturbances." Moreover, Hofstadter argued that these denunciations of "the money power" were deeply anti-Semitic. Alas, his evidence of Populist anti-Semitism was embarrassingly thin: a handful of lurid quotes from a few Populist leaders about the "House of Rothschild" and "Shylock," and an argument that Henry Ford's anti-Semitism came from his background as "a Michigan farm boy who had been liberally exposed to Populist notions."

The problem with this analysis, aside from the paucity of evidence, was that anti-Semitic rhetoric was hardly a monopoly of rural Midwestern Protestants in post-Civil War America. The Protestant elites in East Coast cities were probably more anti-Semitic, and Irish Catholic immigrants in Eastern cities had no love for Jews either. The larger problem stemmed from Hofstadter's theoretical framework. Today Hofstadter is regarded primarily as a great writer with a powerful personal vision. But he was engaged with the most advanced social science theory of his day, and he pioneered the application of theory to history--the move that many of his fans today consider the downfall of the profession. The Age of Reform was framed around the theory of "status politics," which came from an essay by German sociologist Max Weber, published in the United States by Hofstadter's Columbia colleague and friend the radical sociologist C. Wright Mills. Hofstadter's "status politics" thesis held that the Populists were driven to irrationality and paranoia by anxiety over their declining status in an America where rural life and its values were being supplanted by an urban industrial society. Populism, in this view, was a form of reactionary resistance to modernity. Here Hofstadter was the Jewish New York intellectual anxiously looking for traces of proto-fascism somewhere in middle America. He saw Joe McCarthy as a potential American Hitler and believed he had found the roots of American fascism among rural Protestants in the Midwest. It was history by analogy--but the analogy didn't work.

None of these problems escaped Hofstadter's critics at the time. In The Nation, William Appleman Williams argued that Hofstadter's conception of status politics defined opposition to the status quo as fundamentally irrational while the irrationalities of liberal capitalism went unexamined. In 1967 Michael Rogin published a powerful book, The Intellectuals and McCarthy: The Radical Specter, showing that the people who voted for McCarthy, by and large, were not former Populists but rather upper-middle-class suburban Republicans. And it was not just leftists like Williams and Rogin who questioned Hofstadter's "status politics" thesis. One of C. Vann Woodward's greatest essays, "The Populist Heritage and the Intellectual," insisted that the Populist program of the 1890s was far from irrational, that the Populists were not proto-McCarthyites, that many McCarthy supporters came from "college-bred, established-wealth, old family" sources. But if Hofstadter's argument was challenged effectively at the time, his anxiety about an American fascism stayed with him for the rest of his life.

"The Paranoid Style" was a continuation of this flawed view, locating irrationalism on the political fringes, and Rogin, for one, continued to critique Hofstadter.  In the essay collection, Ronald Reagan, The Movie--And Other Episodes in Political Demonology, Rogin stood this view on its head, and looked at powerful actors in American history, and how those on the fringes had been demonized.  He also looked at how Hofstadter and others intellectually close to him had projected their own anxieties onto others.

With all this in mind, it is difficult to read the passage you quote from and not see it as heavily loaded against criticism of the status quo. It is extremely ill-suited to describing the paranoid views of those in power, and this implicitly gives them a pass.

In contrast, Berlet's essay is particularly focused on distinguishing betweeen paranoid and rational forms of critical discourse.  And it is this analysis that shows quite clearly how Klein is involved in the latter, not the former.

This can even be seen in Hofstadter's passage:

Unlike the rest of us, the enemy is not caught in the toils of the vast mechanism of history, himself a victim of his past, his desires, his limitations.

This is clearly the exact opposite of what Klein is saying.  Her thesis is that Friedman and those who took up his ideas were extremely constrained, and that's precisely why shock was so necessary for them to overcome political resistence.  And it is precisely this sort of specificity, and fact-based analysis of limitations and how they are dealt with, that characterizes the rational oppositional/critical analysis from the paranoid.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
or (0.00 / 0)
Well, on the one hand you rely on Weiner to argue that Hofstadter's analysis of paranoia was wrongly centered on Midwestern farmers who were populist but not anti-Semitic, and on the other you use Berlet who drew attention to the success anti-Semitic groups had recruiting Midwestern farmers. Maybe you could pick one (but no! with a few rhetorical tricks I can show they are not contradictory!).

It is odd that you consider Hofstadter's essay "ill-suited to describing the paranoid views of those in power" since it is used to criticize the McCarthyites who were in power. Neither does the paranoid style require that the theory be fundamentally irrational, there were in fact communist spies in American government.

Neither Weiner nor Berlet get to the core of Hofstadter's point in the Paranoid Style essay. Yes, you can narrow Hofstadter's description of the characteristics of conspiracy theories to exclude those theories you favor, and even paranoids have enemies. No, the video does not include each and every characteristic from the essay excerpt (that is why I did not edit the excerpt). But none of this obscures the use of the paranoid style in Naomi Klein's video.

Now, you can argue that Klein's underlying critique of capitalism is solid, and you can argue that she is using the paranoid style to make her argument more emotionally compelling. In my opinion her use of the paranoid style undermines her argument and does a dis-service to progressivism. But that might be because I am a liberal more than I am a progressive.


[ Parent ]
YOU'RE The Rigid Ideologist Here (0.00 / 0)
Well, on the one hand you rely on Weiner to argue that Hofstadter's analysis of paranoia was wrongly centered on Midwestern farmers who were populist but not anti-Semitic, and on the other you use Berlet who drew attention to the success anti-Semitic groups had recruiting Midwestern farmers. Maybe you could pick one (but no! with a few rhetorical tricks I can show they are not contradictory!).

Spoken like a true rigid ideologue.  It's precisely the messiness of historical reality that has your panties in a twist.  But you want to shift blame to folks like Klein and me, precsiely because we do recognize the complexities involved, and you want to accuse us of being rigid cartoon thinkers.

In fact, Weiner never said Midwestern farmers "were populist but not anti-Semitic."  He said:

The problem with this analysis, aside from the paucity of evidence, was that anti-Semitic rhetoric was hardly a monopoly of rural Midwestern Protestants in post-Civil War America. The Protestant elites in East Coast cities were probably more anti-Semitic, and Irish Catholic immigrants in Eastern cities had no love for Jews either.

And, of course, implicit in Berlet's writing about "the success anti-Semitic groups had recruiting Midwestern farmers" is the fact that they weren't already anti-Semetic, quite unlike their grandparents and great-grandparents who Weiner was describing.

It is odd that you consider Hofstadter's essay "ill-suited to describing the paranoid views of those in power" since it is used to criticize the McCarthyites who were in power.

No, it criticized--and mischaracterized--McCarthy's mass base of support.  Your ability to confuse the two is characteristic of pervasive confusion of terms, and it's this confusion of yours, projected onto Klein, that is driving this whole mistaken enterprise of yours.

Neither does the paranoid style require that the theory be fundamentally irrational, there were in fact communist spies in American government.

McCarthy's famous list was a blank piece of paper.  How could it name any spies at all?

Neither Weiner nor Berlet get to the core of Hofstadter's point in the Paranoid Style essay.

No.  They go considerably beyond it.

Yes, you can narrow Hofstadter's description of the characteristics of conspiracy theories to exclude those theories you favor, and even paranoids have enemies. No, the video does not include each and every characteristic from the essay excerpt (that is why I did not edit the excerpt). But none of this obscures the use of the paranoid style in Naomi Klein's video.

The problem is that Hofstadter paints with an overbroad brush--and this is precisely a characteristic he shares with those he criticizes.  There is nothing wrong with this as a first approximation.  Indeed, it is a fair crticism of the film to say that it does this.  But what book cover, publishers blurb or other promotional material does not paint with an overbroad brush?  If you're promoting a 300-page (or longer) book, your promotional material damn well ought to be overbroad, or else the book is not worth reading.  But you are holding up a first approximation as the Holy Grail, and that simply won't wash.

Now, you can argue that Klein's underlying critique of capitalism is solid, and you can argue that she is using the paranoid style to make her argument more emotionally compelling.

No, you can argue that.  What she (and the film-maker) is actually doing is using noirish elements to convey her sensibility.  I'm really getting sick and tired of you projecting your own worldview and modus operandi onto others and accusing them of being the ones doing all the projecting.

In my opinion her use of the paranoid style undermines her argument and does a dis-service to progressivism. But that might be because I am a liberal more than I am a progressive.

No, it's more because you are a literalist, and can't tell the difference between "The Paranoid Style" and film noir style.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Required watching (0.00 / 0)
I think a hearty "here, here" is in order for this post.  If there were ever a television show that should be required viewing in high school, it's Buffy.


Rudy is a Tyrant

Thanks, Paul... (0.00 / 0)
Best OpenLeft Post ever!

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