Theories of Secret Edwards Iowa Leads

by: Chris Bowers

Sun Dec 23, 2007 at 23:39


Looking at the current polling situation in Iowa, it appears that Edwards is close, but still behind. Pollster.com currently projects Edwards at 23.4%, but Clinton at 27.2% and Obama at 29.0%. Real Clear Politics shows a six-poll simple mean with Edwards at 23.2%, but with Obama and Clinton tied at 28.3%. So, Edwards is clearly in the mix, but he trails both Clinton and Obama by anywhere from 4-6% with only ten days to go.

Or does he trail Clinton and Obama? There are at least four theories floating about that argue Edwards is either tied in Iowa, or that he is actually ahead. In the extended entry, I consider all four of these theories. Spoiler alert: I think that the strange caucus system means that Edwards does have more support in Iowa than polls are showing, but right now it isn't enough to win. He needs to close the gap in public polls, too.
Chris Bowers :: Theories of Secret Edwards Iowa Leads
  1. The Edwards Field Advantage Theory. The Edwards campaign claims to have precinct captains in over 90% of all Iowa precincts, many of them manned by people who caucused for Edwards in 2004. This advantage is born out of Edwards spending more time in Iowa than any other candidate, some arguing that he has been continuously campaigning in the state for nearly six years now. Certainly, it is an impressive figure, especially when one considers that the Obama and Clinton campaigns have not released comparably figures. However, a common misconception about strong field operations is that such operations allow a campaign to defy polling, and dig up a few "hidden" percentage points. The truth is that likely voter polls, when properly conducted, take all aspects of a campaign into account, including field.  Field operations, like both paid media and free media communications operations, are simply another form of voter contact designed to make potential voters more likely to go to the polls and select a given candidate. The vast majority of field contacts occur before Election Day, and as such are actually measured in polls (or, at least they are measured in polls that accurate gauge how likely people are to vote). Sure, there are field contacts made on Election Day itself, but there are also paid media and free media contacts made on Election Day, too. Thus, unless polling for a given election sucks, no campaign should be able to shock the world simply due to an excellent field campaign. Conclusion: Don't Buy This

  2. The Edwards Likely Voters Theory. This theory picks up where the first theory falls flat. If public polling is accurately determining likely voters, and thus there is no hidden field advantage for the Edwards campaign in Iowa, doesn't Edwards actually hold an advantage among likely voters? A common theme is that Obama in particular is relying on younger voters who have never previously participated in a caucus, and who might not even be around on January 3rd. The problem here is that among the last three polls to release numbers for both less likely and more likely caucus goers, Edwards shows no improvement among the more likely caucus goers. According to Rasmussen, Edwards is as 22% in both sets of voter. According to Insider Advantage, Edwards drops from 30% to 26% when less likely caucus-goers are removed from the equation. The ABC News / WaPo poll showed a wide range of possibilities among likely voters, with no clear likely voter advantage for any one candidate. A little further back, the early December Newsweek poll also showed Edwards doing worse among more likely voters than among less likely voters. So, unless the likely voter models of these polls all completely suck, this theory doesn't pan out either. Conclusion: Don't Buy This

  3. The Edwards Second-Choice Advantage They Now we start entering the realm of more plausible theories. As everyone reading this blog knows, second-choices matter in the Iowa caucuses because of the 15% (and up!) viability threshold for delegates in Iowa precincts. This should translate into a boost for Edwards, since every single poll out of Iowa shows Edwards leading among second-place choices. The one question mark is just how far ahead Edwards is among second place choices. His advantage in this category varies significantly across polls, but usually falls in the high-single digits. It is difficult to say how much of an advantage this will translate into on caucus night. Certainly, it will be worth at least one point, but it is also unlikely to be worth more than two points. Conclusion: This seems likely to be hiding a 1-2% Edwards overall boost, and a 1% boost relative to both Clinton and Obama.

  4. The Edwards Rural Advantage. Looking back at 2004 Iowa results by county, it certainly seems that Edwards did much better in the less populated areas of the state. Now, I haven't found any polls confirming that Edwards continues to lead among rural voters. Instead of providing such crosstabs, most polls instead ask really empty and stupid questions like "who is the strongest leader," and "who has new ideas" that serve no purpose apart from increasing the vacuity of the national election narrative (I bet that many poll respondents think such questions are matching quizzes to the national narrative more than anything else). However, there is no reason to assume that anything has changed this time around, especially when national polls confirm that Edwards does better in rural areas than in more densely populated regions. Certainly, along with the Kucinich deal and being a favorite second-choice pick, this was a also factor in his dramatic six-point improvement from the entrance poll in 2004. It will probably help him again this time. Conclusion: This is probably hiding 1-3% for Edwards

So, overall, I think there is cause to suspect that Edwards will do at least 2% better, and possibly 5% better, from the entrance poll to the final results this time. Will it be enough for him to close the deficit he faces to Obama and Clinton? Right now, my best guess is that he would have a decent chance to pass Clinton, but his second-choice, rural vote cocktail would not be enough to pass Obama right now. The reason for this is that Obama does a little better among second-choice voters than Clinton, seems to have a slightly more favorable trend than Clinton, appears to do a little better among the most likely voters than Clinton, and also appears to be very slightly ahead of Clinton overall right now. So, if there was a Christmas Eve Iowa caucus, I would predict a three to five point Obama victory, with Clinton zero to two points ahead of Edwards for second. Perhaps Edwards would even edge Clinton by one point.

Anyway, As I wrote at the beginning of the piece, if Edwards is going to win Iowa, it will be necessary to see him closing the gap in polls, not just in hidden strengths. He should see a hidden improvement from the entrance poll, but right now I don't think it will be enough to win.


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Rural Advantage Overrated (4.00 / 1)
If you look at the county-by-county results from 2004 and do the math, you would actually find out that Edwards' state delegate percentage was actually lower than his estimated attendance using county-level data.  (31.9% and 32.3%, respectively).  Edwards did not have especially strong rural support in 2004.  Dick Gephardt gained nearly a point from the location of his supporters, with 10.6% of state delegates and only 9.7% of the estimated vote.

Now it is possible that there was a split between rural and urban precincts within these counties, but that would probably only serve to increase the disparity here, which would serve to further disprove the Edwards Rural Advantage.

Of course, if Edwards is picking up many of the Gephardt voters (and he is picking up most of their unions) he could end up gaining an advantage from rural voters.  Still, I don't think that advantage could even possibly be more than 2%, and there's no reason to assume it is without evidence that Edwards actually is strong in rural areas.

If anyone is interested in the spreadsheet I made of this, I would be happy to send it to you.


The split within counties is what matters (0.00 / 0)
As you point out, your argument relies on the assumption there is no split within counties.  But there is, and it is very large.  And in my county at least, it is going to matter a lot.

The system of apportioning county-level delegates has been fiddled with to make it less biased in favor of rural precincts, but it is still biased.  Let me give you a flavor of how bad it was in 2004:

In my precinct in 2004, the largest in the county, each viable caucus group was given one delegate for every 25 attendees.  In the smallest precinct, every attendee selected 2 delegates.  I am not kidding.  That is a swing of voting power of 50 to 1.

I have been assured by the county democrats that things will be different this year, but it is impossible to fully eliminate the bias.  Rural activists just get a bigger say.  Although I strongly support Obama, I have to admit that Edwards has excellent organization in rural districts here, Obama is ok, Clinton has nothing.  The caucus requires organization throughout the state.  That is how the campaigns get tested here.


[ Parent ]
Why just one candidate? (0.00 / 0)
Seems to me if you are going to count these hidden points, you need to do a similar analysis of both Obama and Clinton hidden points as well.  For instance, you may be right to discount the Field Advantage for Edwards because it could quite well be going to Obama.  Our best glimpse into the organizations was the JJ Dinner where Obama put on quite a show, by far the most organized group there.  They have the largest phonebank by virtue of the amount of donators, and they brilliantly used the Oprah events to collect data and organize their support.

Also the largest hidden could very well be the Youth vote, historically discounted, difficult to poll and weigh properly, and normally busy with schoolwork.  On vacation, energized, and organized this is could be the largest advantage swing on January 3rd.


Are you the FCC? (4.00 / 2)
"Seems to me if you are going to count these hidden points, you need to do a similar analysis of both Obama and Clinton hidden points as well."

Why? Is my blogging license dependent upon it? I'll never understand why I am supposed to be "balanced" between the candidates. Besides, I briefly went over where Obama stands at the end of the piece.

[ Parent ]
Not because of balance (0.00 / 0)
rather because if we want to get an accurate picture of the contest, we need to take everyone's hidden strengths into account, not only Edwards's. But that's pretty obvious, so I assume you don't think there's any worth pointing out beyond what's mentioned in the diary.

[ Parent ]
merry christmas (0.00 / 0)
There's the hostility I like so much.

But if "why" is the question, then why does Edwards "have to close the gap in public polling" to win?

As for the four theories and your analysis of them, is there any evidence to support your assertions?

For instance, in the case of a caucus, field organization is  a lot more than "simply another form of voter contact designed to make potential voters more likely to go to the polls and select a given candidate." Because unlike an election, there's no where else besides your field contact for a supporter to know where to go, when to go, or what to do when they get there.

So that if in fact as has widely been reported, a large portion of Clinton's and Obama's support comes from first-time caucus-goers (and in the case of Obama, many who were not in their precinct 4 years, or even 4 months, ago), unless those campaigns have made direct contact with those voters, Id'd them as supporters, gotten back to them about where to go and when to go and what to do, then simply winning their hearts & minds will have been for naught.

Look at 2000 as an example. Bradley ran as much advertising and got just as much free media as Gore and ran ahead of him in many polls for most of the year. But he never really had a chance to win because he had no organization in, IIRC, about 2/3 of the precincts statewide. Even if he had carried every precinct where he was organized, which in the end he did not, he would have lost the state. 


[ Parent ]
I thyink you underestimate (4.00 / 2)
the significance of second place choices.  The first round in the 2004 exit polling showed Edwards up only 4 25-21.  Edwards strength among second place votes allowed him to transform a 4 point lead over Dean into a 14 point advantage.

BTW - look at the latest UNH poll - it asked who people would be the LEAST likely to vote for.  Answers:
Edwards 35, Clinton 32, Obama 21.  I was VERY surprised to see Edwards lead on that question.  Among liberals 44% said the candidate they werre least likely to vote for was Edwards.  This could all change on a dime, but as an Edwards supporter I was not pleased.

page 31 here:
http://www.unh.edu/s...


My favorite recent poll.... (0.00 / 0)

Edwards 41%

Obama 27%

Clinton 9%

Straw poll take by the Great Orange Satan couple of days ago. Gonna be fun Feb 5th as the voters in IA get to have their say. I say it's gonna be Edwards by a couple of points as the electability issue kicks in.

But then....what do I know?

Peace, Health and Prosperity for Everyone.


turnout (0.00 / 0)
Looking at the other side of the equation (IE what hidden weaknesses does he have?)

I'd say that his biggest hidden weakness is that both hillary and Obama could easily produce turnout increases that edwards wont match.

Compare to to the 2004 election.  That was essentially an off year with a weak field and this year there is feeling of democratic advantage along with the historic firsts.

Turnout could easily put edwards way behind.


2004 Turnout (4.00 / 1)
2004 turnout for Democrats in Iowa was about as high as it has ever gotten.  The field at that time looked like one of the stronger and deeper ever (or at least going back to 1976 when Iowa became a big deal).  Gephardt was a past winner.  Dean was creating a movement using new tools and new excitement.  Kerry had the best local contacts, was a war hero, and had some union boots on the ground to compete with Gephardt's union connections. Edwards looked potentially like a fusion of JFK, Bobby Kennedy, and Bill Clinton.  These candidates looked a lot stronger then than they do now.  And there were the others like Kucinich and Clark who looked like they really could become factors.

Comparing politics to the two individual sports of golf and tennis, the point really stands out.  Pete Sampras' big rival was Agasse.  But Agasse was frequently out of shape in what should have been his prime and was only really a top threat maybe a third of the time.  Compare that to the era when Borg, McEnroe, and Connors were all competing at pretty much top level.  Was Sampras way better than, say, Borg?  I can make the same case with Tiger Woods or even Jack Nicklaus.  Palmer's "prime" such as it was, predated Nicklaus.  He was a charismatic guy who was an occassional threat rather than a real challenge to supremacy.

The 2004 field was one of the deepest in Democratic history.  Unfortunately, the modern nature of Iowa-take-all never let this develop so we could see the weaknesses and warts of all the contenders.  We should have gotten either a more seasoned Kerry or someone who was a real comeback kid.  Instead, Kerry got two weeks of examination during an Iowa rise and breezed through like Secretariat in the homestretch of the Belmont.  Unfortunately, I know John Kerry and he's no Secretariat. 


[ Parent ]
I am probably delusional (4.00 / 2)
But, I think Edwards will win the state of IA in the early 30s and Clinton and Obama in the 20s. I have no proof for this beyond gut.

That makes two of us.... (0.00 / 0)

...............delusional types.

Peace, Health and Prosperity for Everyone.


[ Parent ]
Undecided (4.00 / 1)
What, if any, information is there on the way that late deciding voters break?  It seems that this is the real issue.  There are still large numbers of undecided voters.  Are these people more likely to go with an establishment candidate or more of a change agent?  This seems to be Edwards' big distinction.  He is questioning "the system."  Clinton is defending they system that has bought and paid for her.  Obama seems focused on not saying anything that could overly offend anyone.  But Edwards seems to be almost Kucinich-like in his attack on business as usual.

75% of the general population say that they are unhappy with the way things are.  One might guess that those slow to make up their minds are more deliberate, less ideological and thus more influenced by current events.  If this is the case the news flow leading up to January 3 is what will determine Edwards' fate.  Negative news in general is what will help Edwards, but most specifically news about the "system" being broken.  With DC mostly shut down for the holidays his best hope is for corporate scandals to break or bad news out of Iraq.  Not surprisingly the news out of Iraq currently is supporting those candidates best financed by the Military Industrial Complex.  One might expect to see an escalation of violence in Iraq after the primaries are decided and then to be reduced again about six weeks before the general election.

The 527s working for Edwards may be the biggest difference.  They have to swiftboat, not individual candidates, but general confidence in the way things are.  If they are successful at doing this we may see his hidden vote blossom. 

It seems likely that this election is going to turn on dissatisfaction with the way things are.  Then again I said that before the last presidential election.


late deciders will determine the outcome (4.00 / 1)
I don't know which way they will break, though.

Join the Iowa progressive community at Bleeding Heartland.

[ Parent ]
Questions for an Iowan (0.00 / 0)
The polls indicate that Clinton has the highest level of initial preferences.  Does that seem right to you?
And have you heard any rumors about deals such as last cycle's alleged deal by Kucinich to throw his support to Edwards?  Is Richardson going to throw his support somewhere to help his VP cause?

[ Parent ]
My prediction (4.00 / 2)
Obama:  31%
Hillary:28%
Edwards:25%

I believe Edwards biggest problem will be those new caucus goers.
Every polls have shown him doing worse among those expected to caucus for the first time while Edwards can only manage a very close race among those who attended the 2004 caucus.

If Edwards can only manage to pull even with Obama-Hillary among the 2004 caucus-goers , logic clearly states that any type of influx of new caucus goers will effectively cripple Edwards's chance.It will not take that much , a thousand there and a thousand there could end Edwards's hope of winning Iowa.

Unless you believe we won't have any new caucus goers , then assumption is Edwards will have a great shot at winning Iowa.


Rural vote; entrance poll and the media (4.00 / 2)
Rural vote.  First off, it's hard to believe that no one has bothered to do rural v. suburban cross-tabs.  The media sux.
Desmoinesdem had a great series at the G.O.S. on the caucuses and I remember a couple of points:
(1) In 2004, there were rural counties that had more than 3x the convention delegates per caucuser that the highly democratic suburban counties had.  That's a big, big deal.  It's all about relative turnout.  I expect turnout to be uniformly higher this year vs. 2004.  And that Edwards will do better in the rural counties than the others. 
(2) Many of the rural precincts have only 2 delegates to award.  A preference group with over 25% is viable and gets (if it's in the top two) one delegate. Edwards will be viable, but who else is doing well in those counties?  Perhaps Biden?  If the rural Obama precinct captains send enough support to Biden to make him viable in lots of small precincts, while Clinton is not viable there, then Edwards can be kept at a lower delegate count without helping it helping Clinton.  Overall, I expect at least a 3% boost for Edwards because of the very large disparity in the value of suburban v. rural caucusers.

The entrance poll.
Imagine that the media's entrance poll says Obama 29, Clinton 28, Edwards 23.  Imagine that the "delegate equivalent" reported by the IDP is Edwards 33, Clinton 29, Obama 28.  The media will have to decide, Do they call it a three-way tie, or do they say that Edwards won?
It's hard to predict.


Field Ops (0.00 / 0)
Our friend Tom Schaller did a piece on this last week.  Excerpts:
After a choppy start a year ago, Clinton's campaign has solidified its Iowa ground game, supervised by formidable veteran organizer Teresa Vilmain and supplemented by the efforts of JoDee Winterhoff, two native Iowans who know the state well and who benefited recently from reinforcements. "Clinton nearly doubled the size of her late-out-of-the-gate field operation in Iowa, adding about 100 new people, though she still has not caught up with the forces that Obama has had in place pretty much since June," reported Time's Karen Tumulty. "Emily's List, the political network of pro-choice Democratic women, had planned to put its money into helping Clinton in the big states that vote on Feb. 5 but is now moving its resources into Iowa."

  Indeed, the proper 2004 field team analog for Obama is not Dean's operation but the team that engineered John Kerry's Iowa four years ago, and the parallels begin with staffing. Though legendary field guru Michael Whouley is missing, key persons from the Kerry '04 team now work for Obama, notably targeting consultant Ken Strasma and former Iowa Gov. Tom Vilsack chief of staff John Norris. Behind the scenes is the Washington-based consulting firm Hildebrand Tewes: Steve Hildebrand serves as Obama's deputy national campaign director, and business partner Paul Tewes is knee-deep in Des Moines as the Iowa state director. Beneath these top-level advisers is a slate of experienced field operatives, including several with connections to Virginia Gov. Tim Kaine or former Sen. Tom Daschle, such as Hildebrand Tewes alum and Daschle disciple Anne Filipic, Obama's Iowa statewide field director.

  Aside from confirming that they have 37 field offices, Team Obama is so tight-lipped about its field operation that repeated attempts to get anyone to say anything were uniformly rebuked. "We're just not participating in stories about our operation," said Obama spokesman Bill Burton. "We're keeping our heads down and doing the hard work but we're not telling our opponents about what that work is."

  A few weeks ago a thirty-something friend told me his real ambition was to work in the next Democratic administration. Presuming the White House is poised to change partisan hands next year, he decided to pick a candidate and then signal to key advisers that he wanted to contribute in some way.

  After surveying the 2008 field and settling on Illinois Sen. Barack Obama, he phoned a friend working for the Obama campaign to inquire about flying down to Iowa for a few weekends to demonstrate his commitment and maybe turn some heads. The response he got floored him. "We don't need any more help here," he was told. "Go to New Hampshire."
 



Is 'Mr. Hipster' and his.... (0.00 / 0)

.............MySpace pals gonna show if it....

Snows?

Peace, Health and Prosperity for Everyone.


[ Parent ]
Odd thing, that. (0.00 / 0)
As both Jerome and the NYT have noted, Edwards needs low turnout to win.  That's kinda disgusting, when you think about it.

[ Parent ]
he;'s right about the hipster factor (0.00 / 0)
one of the peo I know who is a feverent obama supporter was previously a supporter of dean and before that nadar. do they have anything in common? nto that i can tell other than he thinks they were all kind of "cool."

[ Parent ]
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