Foreign Policy in a post-Bush America

by: Luam

Sun Jul 22, 2007 at 13:56


On January 20th, 2009 America's new President will face a new era of foreign policy with challenges and options different than those faced by prior administrations.  Many of these new challenges have been brewing for decades, but most were created or exacerbated by mistakes made since the turn of the century.

When I first moved to England in October 2000, I would get some good natured ribbing about how we were "Late for the War," or "McDonald's and Disney imperialism."  There were frustrations about how we conducted ourselves internationally, but overall people were favorably inclined towards America.  Many still felt that they owed America a debt of gratitude for the actions of our Greatest Generation in WWII.

Luam :: Foreign Policy in a post-Bush America
When Bush tried to trade on that debt in the run up to the Iraq war, the goodwill that so many American's had earned with their bravery and their deaths in foreign lands had been exhausted.  As had the empathy that much of the world, including the much vilified French, felt towards us after the tragedy on September 11.  America had too often taken our friends and allies for granted and abused the good will they had extended to us for a generation.

For much of the past 50 years, our nation has received the benefit of the doubt over many of our questionable foreign policies.  Most people around the free world believed, with justification, that even when we made mistakes our intentions were good.  Our invasion of Iraq and the way we treated  our allies as we attempted to gain their support was a shock to the world, it forced many overseas to reevaluate our past actions through a new lens.  Many of our actions for which they had grudgingly forgiven us in light of the Greatest Generation's sacrifice, now appeared to be a series of egregious overreaching after our blatant aggression in the second invasion of Iraq.

That invasion cannot be viewed as an isolated incident, it is but the most outrageous in a series of arrogant dismissals of the needs and concerns of the world community.  Our rejection of the Kyoto Accords under both Clinton and G.W. Bush shows both a shortsightedness and callous disregard for the impact of our actions of foreign nations.  Much worse are the many times we have supported dictatorships, weakened democracies, or attempted to assassinate foreign leaders.  Previously actions like the war in El Salvador and our support of dictatorships in Spain and Greece were seen as exceptions to our general benevolence, now they are seen as evidence of our essential character.  Our rhetoric of supporting freedom while suppressing the thirst of foreign citizens for such freedom is wearing thin.

In this increasingly globalized world, the opinions and attitudes of foreign nations will dramatically affect America's ability to project power throughout the globe.  Many of our corporations depend upon the global strength of brand America for their international sales. Our economy and the solvency of our government currently depends upon the willingness of foreign governments and citizens to purchase our treasury bonds.  We will continue to desire the assistance of other nations in international projects, but we cannot afford to gain that assistance by issuing bribes and threats for cooperation as we did in an attempt to gain the cooperation of Turkey and other members of the coalition of the willing.  Such cooperation was often limited by nations population being unwilling to support their government in its support of our policies.

If American wants to maintain its position of influence over world affairs, and the privileges which that influence brings, we need to dramatically change our approach to foreign policy.  As popular as Clinton is overseas, a return to 90's style diplomacy in a post 3/20/2003 world will not be enough.  A clear rejection of the Bush Doctrine of Preemptive Strike and a return to coalition building is certainly a good start but we need to go beyond that.  We can no longer expect to world to accept that our intentions are in good when they see negative consequences of our actions.

We can no longer use our military might to protect our access to resources such as oil without expecting repercussions in the form international anger and angst which expresses itself as protests, or much worse, terror.  We cannot continue to negotiate trade agreements which favor our corporate interests and neglect the rights of workers abroad and needs of workers at home.  As we select a new face to govern America, we must also choose a leader who is able to reevaluate America's approach to foreign affairs and establish a new doctrine of policies which can carry us forward, repairing the damage from our mistakes and building a strong foundation for our relationships with nations around the globe.


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Finding that Leader (4.00 / 1)
We are all working to find a leader to take us past Bush, I hope that this will help inform your decision about who can do that.

Also available at Booman Tribune and Daily Kos.

My job is not to represent Washington to you, but to represent you to Washington- Obama
Philly for Obama


Global Crisis of Confidence in Bush (4.00 / 1)
.
Global Unease With Major World Powers
Rising Environmental Concern in 47-Nation Survey

Released: 06.27.07

Global distrust of President Bush is mutating into an almost worldwide sentiment of antiAmericanism, according to the world's most comprehensive poll of international opinion, published yesterday.

The Pew Institute's survey of 45,239 people in 47 nations shows support for the US has dropped sharply among traditional allies in the West, including Britain, as well as substantial declines elsewhere in Latin America, Eastern Europe, China and the Middle East.

It found "a broad and deepening dislike of American values and a global backlash against the spread of American ideas" - although US technology and popular culture is still held in high regard.

[My diary]

"Challenging the status quo" 


sadly (4.00 / 1)
I have seen too many surveys saying things like that.

My job is not to represent Washington to you, but to represent you to Washington- Obama
Philly for Obama


[ Parent ]
Really good diary, Luam. (4.00 / 1)
This will be a very long comment, and probably rightfully deserves to be posted as a separate diary, but I'm posting it here because it addresses many of the same very good points you raise, and in that sense is an extension of what you've written.

A new and sensible Foreign Policy framework is something I agree with you is badly needed if America is to move forward as a respected and respectable member of a community of nations, and avoid creating terrorism and tragedies like 9/11 in future.

Most of this comment is excerpted from my post at Edgeing on March 19: Bush's Iraq and Mid-East Debacle - Four Year Anniversary.

In March 2007, couple of days before the four year anniversary of Bush's invasion of Iraq, Katrina Vanden Heuvel writing in the Editor's Cut Blog at The Nation noted:

As we mark what may well be the most colossal foreign policy disaster in US history, we mourn the death and destruction--which has not ended. We mark the lies and delusions that launched this war--since they too are continuing.

The majority of the American people have found their way to the truth and are demanding an end to this catastrophe. Yet the political system continues to crawl hesitantly toward accepting the enormity of this failure.


She then moves quickly to the real heart of the matter, to the deeper questions that will need to be addressed and answered if the Debacle, which terrifyingly is only a symptom of a larger problem, is ever to be ended:
But as we mark the anniversary of the Iraq war, it is also time to consider the longterm damage the misconceived "war on terrorism" has inflicted on our security and engagement with the world. Eventually US troops will leave Iraq because the brutal facts on the ground will compel it. But even as we struggle to get out of this failed war, our political system continues to evade the challenge of finding an exit from the "war on terror." At a time when we need a coherent alternative to the Bush doctrine and an alternative vision of what this country's role in the world should be, we see both parties calling for intensifying the "war on terror" --even for increasing the size of the military, and for expanding its ability to go places and do things. But who is asking the fundamental question: Won't a war without end do more to weaken our security and democracy than seriously address the threats and challenges ahead?


Katrina then moves beyond the questions to begin making some concrete suggestions:
Fighting terror requires genuine cooperation with other nations in policing and lawful and targeted intelligence work; smart diplomacy; withdrawal of support for oppressive regimes that generate hatred of the US; and real pressure to bring about negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians with the goal of achieving peace and security for Israel and justice and a secure state for the Palestinians. (There are other effective means of combating terrorism; what is important is that they are harnessed and coordinated so as to provide a true alternative to hyper-military ventures.)


Katrina is on the right track here, and she has some heavyweight agreement with her thinking and perspective on how to fight terror.

Last June author Salman Rushdie was interviewed by Bill Moyers on Moyer's Faith and Reason program. The video is here and the transcript here. Rushdie drew a very apt and instructive analogy to the long history of 'terrorism' troubles Britain had to deal with from the IRA that can be of help in understanding what we are dealing with when considering what we can do about fringe groups like Al Qaeda:
SALMAN RUSHDIE: There are people, as I say, you have to defeat, you know. But I'm talking about the enormous culture of which they're the pimple on the nose of it. And I think in the end the way in which radical Islam will be defeated is when ordinary Islam, you know, when the regular world of the Muslim faith comes to reject the idea that they will be represented by, defined by that kind of extremist behavior.

BILL MOYERS: But many people say that that kind of extremist behavior is part and parcel of the ideology of the heart of Islam. What do you--

SALMAN RUSHDIE: I don't think necessarily. I mean, the IRA was not intrinsically-- was not somehow arising from something intrinsic to Catholicism. And actually the IRA is a relevant example. Because when the Catholics of Northern Ireland became disillusioned by being represented by the IRA that is what brought the IRA to the peace table. At that moment their power disappeared. And that's why I'm saying that it is in a way incumbent on the Muslim world to reject Islamic radicalism, because that is what will remove the power of Islamic radicalism.

BILL MOYERS: Is America doomed to live under a fatwah as you did? Under the threat of terrorism for a long time, as you did?

SALMAN RUSHDIE: Yes, I think. But I mean, I think everywhere is dangerous now. You know the world is not a safe place; and there are no safe corners of it. And actually, there probably never have been. I think, in a way, America was insulated from that for awhile by the enormous power of America. But even that no longer insulates. So I think we do have to accept that the world is like that now. And I think  ' one of the reasons I can say this is that, having lived in England during the years of the of the IRA campaign  ' it became something that people, in a way, came to accept. That every so often a bomb would go off in a shopping mall, shopping center, and in the end, people refused to allow that to change their daily lives and just proceeded. And I think that refusal to be deflected from the path of normality also played a great deal of the role in the defeat of the IRA, that they didn't achieve their goal. And I think it is, I mean, it's something I've written quite a bit about, that the answer to terrorism is not to be terrorized, and it becomes important to continue--


Continue we must learn to do, and Katrina Vanden Heuvel concludes her article with still more concrete ideas, that I think taken in the spirit that Rushdie delineated, are the only reasonable way left forward.

If we are to go forward:
With the 2008 elections looming, it is unlikely that the Democrats (with a few honorable exceptions) will rethink their official national security strategy in any significant way. But citizens committed to a vision of real security can launch a debate framed by our own concerns and values. If we have learned anything in the past six years, it is that even overwhelming military power is ill suited to dealing with the central challenges of the 21st century: climate crisis, the worst pandemic in human history (AIDS), the spread of weapons of mass destruction, stateless terrorists with global reach, genocidal conflict and starvation afflicting Africa, and a global economy that is generating greater instability and inequality.

A real security plan would widen the definition to include all threats to human life, whether they stem from terrorism, disease, environmental degradation, natural disasters or global poverty--a definition that makes it clear that the military is only one of many tools that can be used to address urgent threats. A last resort. This alternative security strategy would also reconfigure the US presence in the world - reducing the footprint of American military power, pulling back the forward deployments drastically and reducing the bloated Pentagon budget by as much as half.

Yes, at home, all this will take time and have to overcome the fiercest kind of political resistance. Yet this is not an impossible political goal, now that Americans have seen where the military option leads. Dealing intelligently with reality is not retreat. It is the first wise step toward restoring real national security.


Princeton Universities Wilson School has in fact been working on devising a new cogent and workable foreign policy for America that may show promise. The Princeton Project on National Security on September 29, 2006 released their final report in the form of 96 page PDF document titled "Forging a World of Liberty Under Law, U.S. National Security In The 21st Century, which according to their mission statement was developed by 400 contributors over a 2 year period, to "set forth agreed premises or foundational principles to guide the development of specific national security strategies by successive administrations in coming decades".

The Princeton Project's report is here. Trust Albert Einstein's old alma mater to take up this challenge. How apt!

Antemedius: Liberally Critical Thinking

And on a closely related note.... (4.00 / 1)
More subversive reality seeping in to the Cheney/Bush alternate universe.
Sunday NYT Magazine: Policing Terrorism:
When terrorists tried to blow up civilians in London and Glasgow, Gordon Brown, the new British prime minister, responded in his own distinctive way. What had just been narrowly averted, he said, was not a new jihadist act of war but instead a criminal act. As if to underscore the point, Brown instructed his ministers that the phrase "war on terror" was no longer to be used and, indeed, that officials were no longer even to employ the word "Muslim" in connection with the terrorism crisis. In remarks to reporters, Brown's new home secretary, Jacqui Smith, articulated the basic message. "Let us be clear," she said, "terrorists are criminals, whose victims come from all walks of life, communities and religions."
...
Brown, it seems, has concluded that the war rhetoric employed by Blair was divisive, threatening social peace between communities in Britain, and counterproductive, making it harder to turn the British Muslim community into the security services' eyes and ears. In other words, the Brown approach would be the approach of serious crime fighters around the world these days -- community policing in which mutual trust is the cornerstone of crime prevention. In general, advocates of this approach avoid the rhetoric of war on the presumption that it only alienates the communities out of which criminals spring."
H/T to Larisa, at-Largely

Antemedius: Liberally Critical Thinking

Not Even Wrong (4.00 / 1)
Wolfgang Pauli's term for theories not even worth thinking about: Not even wrong.  That's Bush foreign policy.  But the problem is that we are thinking about it in trying to think of something better.  And it's my suggestion that this is the wrong way to set about doing it.

What's a better way?  Well, let me take another bad example, but one that is wrong, and use it as a starting point.  I'm referring to the Hart-Rudman Report, which, among other things, warned about the inevitability of an attack on the US mainland.

What was good about Hart-Rudman was that it recognized there hadn't been a sweeping re-assessment of America's security posture since the start of the Cold War, and that it was time for a fresh view.  What was wrong with Hart-Rudman (aside from the people on it, but that's a whole 'nother story) was the utter failure to look at the Cold War, and do an analysis of (a) how well our last comprehensive analysis prepared us for what followed, (b) how well we did overall in the Cold War, (c) what worked especially well, and why, (d) what went especially wrong, and why.

In short, there was no critical re-evaluation function built into the report.  None whatsoever.

So, the first thing we need is not just to critique Cheney/Bush, but to critique 1945-1990 (this should have started during Bush I).  We then need to analyze the challenges facing us in the next two generations.  I would argue that "terrorism" per se is pretty far down the list, although the overall problem of inter-ethnic and inter-religious justice in the Middle East should be rated rather high on the list.

But global warming, sustainable energy, and stabilizing national economic growth throughout the Third World are top tier concerns.  These are the basic components for a world that works for everyone.  Make such a world possible, and America will basically be okay.  We will be in a position to play a (not the) leading role in tackling the justice issues, which are absolutely vital, but can't be successfully addressed while people are too stressed out by the top tier concerns I've identified. But fail to make such a world possible, and nothing else we do will save us from a pretty grim future.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


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