| In my diary yesterday, "Candidate Strength &The Party's Future: SUSA Presidential Match-Ups--A Deeper Look" one of the striking things that stood out was Obama's strength in the West and Midwest, compared to his weakness in the South-a pattern that fit exactly with the strategic advice and prognostication of Tom Schaller in Whistling Past Dixie.
On the main page of the website supporting the book, Schaller puts his case succinctly:
The South is no longer the "swing" region in American politics -- it has swung to the Republicans. Most of the South is beyond the Democrats' reach, and what remains is moving steadily into the Republican column. The twin effects of race and religion produce a socially conservative, electorally hostile environment for most Democratic candidates.
Spending valuable resources in Southern states is a dangerously self-destructive strategy that could serve to relegate Democrats to minority-party status for a generation. Political attitudes and demographic changes in other parts of the country are far more favorable to Democratic messages and messengers. The Midwest and Southwest are the nation's most competitive regions. There are opportunities to expand Democratic margins in the Mountain red states while consolidating control over the reliably blue northeastern and Pacific coast states. Before dreaming of forty nine state presidential landslides, the Democrats ought to first figure out how to win twenty-nine states. And that means capturing Arizona -- or even Alaska -- before targeting Alabama.
McCain may put Arizona out of reach for this electoral cycle, the maps show that neighboring states Nevada, New Mexico and Colorado are not. Obama's strength in the West is particularly embarrasing-not to mention debilitating-to McCain.
But it's also embarrasing to Obama, since it belies his earlier rationale in reaching out to religious conservatives, and his claims to be a mapchanger by drawing unprecedented numbers of blacks to the polls, and contesting Southern states Democrats otherwise would lose. It is not the religious conservatives dominating the South who have responded most to his calls, nor does he put more pressure on McCain there than Clinton does. His "unique" contribution is to do what Schaller mapped out as the natural thing for the Democratic Party to do, regardless of their nominee.
As I put it in a recent comment in the discussion of that diary:
When you have a rhetoric that says one thing, but a material reality that says another, it's always best to trust the material reality first, and seek to understand why that rhetoric works within that reality.
In this particular case, my explanation of why is simple... |
| In this particular case, my explanation of why is simple: Obama (consciously or not) is trying to win a non-transformational election-one that does not confront the basic structures of power that, among other things, constrain the terms of political discourse.
Obama has to do this because the most unthinkable thing in the world is that liberals and Democrats should mirror the right in fighting a Gramscian war of position, building a superstructure of insitutions that struggle to comprehensively redefine social, cultural and political reality. (See my previous diary, "The Role of Rightwing Media Watch Groups In The Gramscian War of Position" Refusing to fight fire with fire, their only choice is to dance around the fire that conservatives have built.
Obama has done this by using language that largely reflects the Versailles consensus, which admits only two possibilities: (1) When Republicans are in power, the New Way Forward is to follow their lead, as There Is No Alternative (TINA). (2) When Democrats are in power, the New Way Forward is bipartisanship, as There Is No Alternative (That TINA gal, she sure gets around!)
Yet, there is a clear paradox here, since Obama's legislative record is mainstream liberal, and this will not do for the Versailles press-which is starting to notice-on the one hand, nor will it produce anything remarkably progressive on the other.
Digby pointed to an example of the former just yesterday in "Bold Failure to Be Conservative":
I just saw the most absurd story I've seen in a while on CNN. They decided to dig into Obama's record in Illinois and they found some critics. And I know that this will shock you, but the critics are -- Republicans. Gosh, I wonder what they have to say!
Dan Lothian: The question is, what did Obama accomplish? I went to Chicago and found out that the answer to that question lies in who you talk to.
New and untested, Barack Obama started early, trying to carve out a reputation as an eager hard working Illinois State Senator. He was elected in 1996. Telling powerful Democrat Emil Jones, the man Obama considers his political godfather, to throw him into the fire.
Jones: He said, "feel free to give me any tough assignments. You know I like to work hard."
That work, say his critics, resulted in one of the most liberal voting records in the senate during his eight years, pushing for abortion rights, to raising taxes. But what troubles former Republican colleague, Dan Cronin who says he respects Obama and his politics skills, is that considering the presidential hopeful's campaign of bold change, his past, he says, doesn't quite add up.
Cronin: There were no bold solutions, there were no creative approaches, there were no efforts to stand up to the establishment.
Gosh, what would that have looked like do you suppose? Bold efforts to slash taxes? Pushing bills to allow prayer in schools? After all, he's such an unreconstructed liberal that he actually (gasp!) was for abortion rights.
See how this argument works? Obama is presented as a shrieking hippie freak who loves abortion (the emphasis on "for" in Lothian's report is his not mine) and raising taxes. And that's also a very weak position, because he refused to "challenge" the "establishment" --- he's not talking about the political establishment, which was Republican during most of Obama's tenure. Clearly, Obama was standing up to them every time he cast one of those awful liberal votes. The problem was that he failed to properly challenge the Democratic establishment. Boldness and creativity, you see, are defined by how well they flout liberal ideals.
We can certainly expect much, much more of this in the days to come. Indeed, we've seen plenty of it already. Last week, from David Ignatius, for example ("Obama: A Thin Record For a Bridge Builder":
This is the real "Where's the beef?" about Obama, and it still doesn't have a good answer. He gives a great speech, and he promises that he can heal the terrible partisan divisions that have enfeebled American politics over the past decade. This is a message of hope that the country clearly wants to hear.
But can he do it? The record is mixed, but it's fair to say that Obama has not shown much willingness to take risks or make enemies to try to restore a working center in Washington. Clinton, for all her reputation as a divisive figure, has a much stronger record of bipartisan achievement. And the likely Republican nominee, John McCain, has a better record still.
McSame has a great record of bipartisan posturing, that's for sure. But he has a canny knack of actually not really following through with much that hurts the GOP base. Mr. "I was against torture before I was for it" is, shall we say, less James Garner than he is Slim Pickens, though to be honest, that's an insult to Pickens.
OTOH, the signature failure Ignatius cites for Obama is particularly odious to anyone who actually knows and/or cares about (dirty word alert!) substance:
But what stands out in his brief Senate career is his liberal voting record, not a history of fighting across party lines to get legislation passed. He wasn't part of the 2005 Gang of 14 bipartisan coalition that sought to break the logjam on judicial nominations....
And with that, how can we avoid recalling Glenn Greenwalds roll call of "bipartisanship's greatest hits" under the Bush Regime ("What 'bipartisanship' in Washington means"):
To support the new Bush-supported FISA law:
GOP - 48-0
Dems - 12-36
To compel redeployment of troops from Iraq:
GOP - 0-49
Dems - 24-21
To confirm Michael Mukasey as Attorney General:
GOP - 46-0
Dems - 7-40
To confirm Leslie Southwick as Circuit Court Judge:
GOP - 49-0
Dems - 8-38
Kyl-Lieberman Resolution on Iran:
GOP - 46-2
Dems - 30-20
To condemn MoveOn.org:
GOP - 49-0
Dems - 23-25
The Protect America Act:
GOP - 44-0
Dems - 20-28
Declaring English to be the Government's official language:
GOP - 48-1
Dems - 16-33
The Military Commissions Act:
GOP - 53-0
Dems - 12-34
To renew the Patriot Act:
GOP - 54-0
Dems - 34-10
Cloture Vote on Sam Alito's confirmation to the Supreme Court:
GOP - 54-0
Dems - 18-25
Authorization to Use Military Force in Iraq:
GOP - 48-1
Dems - 29-22
This is what Obama will be attacked for not enabling with all his heart and soul.
And yet, in the end, Tom Schaller is right. Most folks out in the states where Obama is doing well really don't care a whole lot what David Ignatius thinks--or even Tim Russert, for that matter. With the amount of money he's able to raise, Obama may well be betting that he can run circles around them, and make them seem like part of the problem.
Which, of course, is exactly what they are. As Digby reminded us recently:
How Do We Defeat Tim Russert?
by digby
The country wants change. They want Washington to stop all the partisan bickering and they want a different tone. They want their government to be serious and deal with real problems.
Can someone please explain to me how that can possibly happen until something is done about the reprehensible political press? From tax returns to Farrakhan to footage shown by "mistake" to the endless, trivial, gotcha bullshit, this debate spectacle tonight was a classic demonstration of what people really hate about politics. It isn't actually the candidates who can at least on occasion be substantive and serious. The problem is Tim Russert and all his petty, shallow acolytes who spend all their time reading Drudge and breathlessly reporting every tabloid tidbit and sexy rumor and seeking out minor inconsistencies from years past in lieu of doing any real work.
So, in the end, there's a delicious irony about to unfold here, with Tom Schaller about to be vindicated as the Bill Walsh of political strategists, but in order to pull it off, Obama's got to treat him like Rodney Dangerfield. |