There is a growing sentiment that the "delegate math" favors Obama, and that he will wrap-up the nomination in June. While this is a sentiment with which I generally agree, upon closer analysis of the delegate math I think that Clinton has a better chance than many realize. In fact, a close look at the delegate math indicates that there is a good chance we will either head to the convention without a presumptive nominee, or head to the convention with a barely presumptive nominee. By "barely presumptive," I mean a candidate who is just slightly over 2,208, with that total possibly disputed by the opposing campaign. Overall, I would say there is a greater than 50% we will face one of those two scenarios.
First, here is the current delegate count:
Democratic Nomination Campaign Delegate Projection
| Delegate Type |
Obama |
Clinton |
Other |
Remaining |
| Pledged |
1,408.5 |
1,252.5 |
26 |
879 |
| Super |
210 |
259 |
0 |
299 |
| Projected Add-ons |
40 |
24 |
0 |
17 |
| Total |
1,658.5 |
1,535.5 |
26 |
1,195 |
This delegate projection puts the Michigan and Florida pledged delegates and add-on in the "remaining" column, since they are still to be decided. The Michigan and Florida superdelegates who have endorsed a candidate are included in the superdelegate totals, while those who have not are placed in the "remaining" column. I think this is the most accurate way to count the delegates right now, since it is safe to assume that Michigan and Florida will be seated, while it is also reasonable to categorize the two states as currently undetermined.
Now, let's take a look at current polling for the remaining primary states, and the delegate projections that polling creates:
Democratic Nomination Primary Schedule
| State |
Date |
O % |
C % |
P. Del |
Obama Del |
Clinton Del |
| Pennsylvania |
Apr 22 |
36.8% |
51.8% |
158 |
74 |
84 |
| Guam |
May 03 |
-- |
-- |
4 |
2 |
2 |
| Indiana |
May 06 |
40.0% |
25.0% |
72 |
41 |
31 |
| North Carolina |
May 06 |
47.7% |
41.3% |
115 |
61 |
54 |
| West Virginia |
May 13 |
22.0% |
43.0% |
28 |
11 |
17 |
| Kentucky |
May 20 |
-- |
-- |
51 |
21 |
30 |
| Oregon |
May 20 |
-- |
-- |
52 |
27 |
25 |
| Puerto Rico |
Jun 01 |
-- |
-- |
55 |
24 |
31 |
| Montana |
Jun 03 |
-- |
-- |
16 |
9 |
7 |
| South Dakota |
Jun 03 |
-- |
-- |
15 |
8 |
7 |
| Florida |
??? |
39.0% |
55.0% |
185 |
77 |
108 |
| Michigan |
??? |
41.0% |
41.0% |
128 |
64 |
64 |
| Total |
June 10 |
46.0% |
44.5% |
879 |
419 |
460 |
In the states without polls, I took some liberties in projecting the delegates based on the results of similar states. This projects to Clinton 460-419 Obama for the remaining states, along with a 10-7 split in favor of Clinton among the add-on delegates (I am projecting a tie in Michigan). Overall, this produces a total of Obama 2,084.5--2,005.5 Clinton, with 299 non-add on superdelegates and 26 Edwards delegates as the deciding factor. From that point, Obama would need 38.0% of the remaining delegates to win, while Clinton would need 62.0%.
Now, 62.0% of the remaining superdelegates and Edwards delegates sounds like a tall order. However, keep in mind that these are all pretty dedicated, self-identified Democrats, and that they also tend to be older than 30. Both of these are groups among whom Clinton holds an advantage among voters, which partially explains her edge in superdelegates to date. If she is able to slice off a few delegates in multi-tiered caucus states and / or outperform the delegate projections in remaining states, then she needs even less than 62.0% of the remaining delegates. For example, if she acquires twenty-four more delegates through such means, then she only needs 55.7% of the remaining delegates to win, which is almost identical to her current advantage among superdelegates. A string of wins starting in Pennsylvania could give her the momentum needed to outperform the delegate totals, and also provide her with an argument that superdelegates might buy. In other words, winning the nomination remains doable for Clinton.
Now, with all of this said, the math still clearly favors Obama. After all, he could also outperform these projections, build momentum of his own, and add to his delegate totals in multi-tiered caucus states. Further, since Super Tuesday, he has added 78 new superdelegates to his total, while Clinton has only added 20. Yet further, it will be difficult for Clinton to overtake Obama in the popular vote, where he currently leads by about 750,000 once caucus states are figured into the totals. That will be a difficult argument for any currently undecided superdelegate to ignore. However, an honest look at these numbers also indicates that it will be very difficult for Obama to reach 2,208 by June 10th, the day that the DNC mandates caucus and primary voting ends. While he will have a lead, there is a pretty good chance there will still be enough undecided superdelegates and Edwards delegates to prevent either candidate from reaching 2,208 by June 10th. Further, even if Obama does barely eek over 2,208 in June, it is unlikely that the Clinton campaign will concede defeat as long as they still believe they can flip enough superdelegates to win the nomination.
In other words, a close look at the delegate math indicates that there is a good chance we will either head to the convention without a presumptive nominee, or head to the convention with a barely presumptive nominee. At the very least, we are headed all the way through June. A question we might want to start asking is how many delegates Obama needs to have in order to get Clinton to concede before the convention in either June or July. Personally, I don't think that number is 2,208, since they will almost certainly believe they can flip a handful of superdelegates. The actual number might be something like 2,240 or even higher, which would make the delegate flipping task virtually impossible. Other than losing a state like Pennsylvania or Florida, such an enormous delegate total strikes me as just about the only way Clinton will concede before the convention. If you have noticed anything else in her campaign behavior up until this point that indicates otherwise, I think we are watching different nomination campaigns. |