Support For Troop Reduction By Congressional District

by: Chris Bowers

Tue Jul 31, 2007 at 16:42


According to the latest CBS / New York Times poll, Americans favor at least partial troop reduction in Iraq by a margin of 66%-27%:

CBS News/New York Times Poll. July 20-22, 2007. N=889 adults nationwide. MoE ± 3 (for all adults).

"From what you have seen or heard about the situation in Iraq, what should the United States do now? Should the U.S. increase the number of U.S. troops in Iraq, keep the same number of U.S. troops in Iraq as there are now, decrease the number of U.S. troops in Iraq, or remove all its troops from Iraq?"

Increase: 12%
Keep Same: 15%
Decrease: 30%
Remove All: 36%
Unsure: 7%

The reason I bring this up is because there appears to be some Democrats who are wavering on troop reduction in Iraq. From BooMan Tribune:

Clyburn, in an interview with the washingtonpost.com video program PostTalk, said Democrats might be wise to wait for the Petraeus report, scheduled to be delivered in September, before charting next steps in their year-long struggle with President Bush over the direction of U.S. strategy.

Clyburn noted that Petraeus carries significant weight among the 47 members of the Blue Dog caucus in the House, a group of moderate to conservative Democrats. Without their support, he said, Democratic leaders would find it virtually impossible to pass legislation setting a timetable for withdrawal.

Now, many Blue Dogs are from moderate and conservative districts, and so they probably think that they will face electoral repercussions if they support troop withdrawal legislation.  However, considering the 66%-27% margin in favor of at least some troop withdrawal, here is a map of the Unites States, by congressional district, of where majorities exist in favor of troop reduction (troop reduction majority districts are in blue):



(Hawaii and Alaska are not seen here, but all three of those districts would also be blue)

I produced this map by taking the partisan voting index of every congressional district and comparing it to the 66%-27% figure.  The partisan voting index, produced by the Cook Political Report, measures how pro-Republican or pro-Democratic congressional districts are relative to the rest of the nation. Assuming a general correlation between how pro-Democratic or pro-Republican a district is and how pro-troop reduction that district is, it would take a congressional district with a partisan voting index of greater than Republican +19.5 in order for even a plurality of the voters in any congressional district to oppose troop withdrawal. One district, the Indiana 5th, has a partisan index of precisely R +19.5 (shown in yellow), while eleven others have a partisan index even more favorable to Republicans: Alabama 6, Georgia 7, Georgia 10, Kansas 1, Nebraska 3, Texas 8, Texas 11, Texas 13, Texas 19, Utah 1 and Utah 3.  The other 423 congressional districts in the United States all currently have either pluralities or, far more often, majorities in favor of troop reduction.  In fact, the number is probably higher than 423, because according to this methodology 15 districts are more than 100% pro-troop reduction, and because I do not have the updated figures on the partisan indexes of Georgia's newly redrawn congressional districts.  At least three or four of the districts I listed above as anti-troop reduction probably have pluralities in favor of troop reduction, too.

So there, Democrats who are wavering on troop reduction, and Republicans who refuse to support it.  Virtually every single one of you is defying the will of your constituents.  They want out.  You want to stay.  Hopefully, either you will wise up and listen to them, or they will wise up and throw every single one of you out of office next year.

Oh yeah, and the accompanying map for Senators



Way to go Utah! No wonder Mitt Romney is doing so well in the campaign for the Republican nomination.

Update: To add to the above visual representation of the coming wave for those who refuse to support troop withdrawal, here is some amazing polling data from Democracy Corps (PDF):

  • In the battleground of the 70 most competitive congressional districts (35 Democratic and 35 Republican-held), the Democratic incumbents, including the big class of freshmen, have quickly moved into dramatic leads in the named congressional ballot (52 to 40 percent)2. Whatever is happening for
    Congress is not evident for the individual members whose named job approval is rising along with their vote advantage over the Republicans. (These battleground results are based on 1,451 interviews in a survey of 1,600 that will be completed tomorrow.)

  • In the 35 Republican battleground districts, the named Republicans trail their generic Democratic opponent by 5 points (49 to 44 percent). Republicans are almost in as much trouble as in 2006 in their top tier congressional races.
    .
  • In a poll conducted for MoveOn across seven Republican-held U.S. Senate seats, the named U.S. Senators had a vote to re-elect of only 37 percent and were garnering only 44 percent of the vote against a generic challenger. The current battles are putting even more Republican Senators in jeopardy.

It isn't just the maps.  A second electoral wave could be coming in 2008 that would cement a true realignment.

Chris Bowers :: Support For Troop Reduction By Congressional District

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That second (0.00 / 0)
map is going to be the electoral college map if the GOP doesn't dump this preznitwit soon.

I love how trapped they are (0.00 / 0)
Their base really likes the way things are going.  The government funded military-industrial complex economy is booming, as is most of the southern housing market. The rich are getting all of the benefits of the "economic exapansion" while wages remain stagnant.  Plus, they (all 25% of them) really believe that things are going well in Iraq. Or, at least that withdrawal is utterly unacceptable to their identity.

For them Iraq is great, and the economy is great. Combine it with a militant identity that isn't used to losing elections, and a grassroots base that has and will primary anyone who steps out of line, and basically they are trapped. It will probably take a majority of Republicans to start opposing Bush before they break in any great numbers.  And, given the details I listed above, that isn't likely to happen.


[ Parent ]
Depends... (0.00 / 0)
...on who the Democratic candidate is.

Nevertheless, it certainly does brighten the prospects we have at the congressional level.


[ Parent ]
One or two points (0.00 / 0)
I don't follow how you get from a 66/27 split to a +19.5R cutoff as a matter of arithmetic. (I'm not overly sharp today...)

Plus - I thought the responses to these Iraq withdrawal questions were rather dependent on the question asked: for instance, the CBS question doesn't mention timescales or numbers. No hint of the withdraw word itself.

A delusional GOP who thinks the boys are winning out there might well think a gradual slimming down of the deployment was warranted.

Plus - you surely need to look at the CBS response in the context of  opinion on Iraq generally. What about that swing in the right thing/wrong thing question (#2 in the CBS poll) from 35/61 to 42/51 over past couple of months? How can you trust bozos with screwy mood swings like that?!

Plus - the other way to look at vulnerability of Dogs is the swing needed to unseat them, factoring in incumbency advantage. I suspect that many of them are pretty much impregnable. (I'm sure the CD by CD info's out there.)

Beyond all of this, we know Dem MCs (including their leaderships) are enormously risk-averse. If you analyse the situation they (Dogs, Progs, the lot of them) face in terms of perceived utility (their own perception, that is), running down the clock is the percentage play.

Objectively, you might argue that a bolder strategy is warranted. But, I think, only with a completely different bunch of guys!


numbers (0.00 / 0)
For PVI, you have to both add the number to the Republican, and subtract it from the Democrat. Thus, 66 - 19.5 = 46.5, and 27 + 19.5 = 46.5.

[ Parent ]
Oh yeah (0.00 / 0)
And the dogs don't seem vulnerable in the slightest, according to D-Corps. Besides, when has any incumbent Dem ever lost an election for supporting an end to / opposing the start ofthe Iraq war? I can't think of any examples.

As far as the delusional GOP goes, I won't present to read their minds. But maybe you are right--according to this poll more people think the war is going at least OK, and so some of them want to draw down troops, too. Still means they want to reduce the level of troops.

[ Parent ]
Actually... (0.00 / 0)
When I said GOP, I was meaning some notional GOP voter, not the party. No abbreviation comparable to Dem is available (Rep being already taken!).

My point is that the polling numbers on Iraq are still pretty flaky. And not the basis on which the Dem leaderships will be leading any charge any time soon.

Another point is that this is the last week before the recess. It'll be September before they come back, and September is when we're supposed to get the big reckoning on the state of Iraq.

And they won't exactly be sitting on their hands this week.

So - on further thought, the Dogs are a red herring. Perhaps they're also a pretext, too - Clyburn's exquisitely timed intervention rather suggests that.

And - look at those DCorps stats the other way: if the Dems are set for a surge in 08, the last thing Harry and Nancy will want to do is spoil things by precipitate action.

Or any action, in fact.


[ Parent ]
It's a nice story. But is it true? (0.00 / 0)
Which is what one of my econ professors liked to say.

Assuming a general correlation between how pro-Democratic or pro-Republican a district is and how pro-troop reduction that district is, it would take a congressional district with a partisan voting index of greater than Republican +19.5 in order for even a plurality of the voters in any congressional district to oppose troop withdrawal.

I think it's worth checking this model against any known statistics for a congressional district, especially in districts where we can correlate party identification with the partisan index.  My sense is that knowing the split of independents and Democrats vs. Republicans might tell us more.

While we don't have good polling data on this issue, dimes to donuts a lot of the Blue Dogs do.  It would be good to know what they think the breakdown is on this issue, since if they have good numbers and we don't, we're not going to have a lot of leverage on them.


surprising (0.00 / 0)
You'd be surprised at how shoddy a lot of the polling in DC is.

[ Parent ]
I'm hard to shock (0.00 / 0)
and I'm willing to take your word on that one.

[ Parent ]
Party ID (0.00 / 0)
Is way less interesting than partisan performance.

John McCain opposes the GI Bill.

[ Parent ]
Not my point (4.00 / 1)
Partisan index may well be better.  My point, however, is that you'll want to have some direct observations of the actually question -- attitudes toward withdrawal from Iraq -- against something else you can more easily measure.  If that's the partisan index, great.  But this should be verified before we use it as a "proxy".

There's a lot of fun stuff in the statistics literature about what happens when the model specification is wrong.  I can go into more details, but that's where I'm coming from.


[ Parent ]
What would the realignment be and why? (0.00 / 0)
It isn't an antiwar realignment. I'm not sure that it'd be an anti-corruption realignment.  So does that make it progressive or at least populist? If so, then how does that impact within the party? If not, then what the hell is it once Republicans catch their breath and start producing non-dirty candidates?

John McCain opposes the GI Bill.

I Think It's Several Things (0.00 / 0)
It's anti-war, anti-authoritarian, anti-lawlessness, focused on taking on the big problems that Republicans have either ignored or made worse--global warming, alternative energy, universal health care, oh yeah, and catching that bin Forgotten guy.

In short, it's about recapturing the pragmatic can-do spirit that used to be typically American and took us to the moon.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Antiwar doesn't last though (0.00 / 0)
just like anticorruption won't last. Some of the others can for sure, but i haven't seen any of them emerge yet as a rallying cry. There has to be a rallying cry that will last beyond the war.

John McCain opposes the GI Bill.

[ Parent ]
Yes Begins With A No (0.00 / 0)
Being anti-war is just a starting point. Markos can parade his ignorance all he wants, but there's a ton of logic behind Dennis Kucinich's concept of a Department of Peace.

The same is true for being anti-corruption.  There's an ongoing evolution of ideas about participatory democracy, civic engagement and the like which are all about a positive agenda that does far beyond simply curbing the power of special interests.

My point is simple: Yes, you need a rallying cry to get things started.  But to keep things going, you need accomplishments, and further challenges.

You don't necessarily need a rallying cry that will last forever.  Once people have rallied, it's time to get something done.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Realignment--As I Was About To Say Before I Was So Rudely Interrupted By The Site Crash (0.00 / 0)
As I wrote last October in "What A Dem Landslide Could Mean", historically it takes at least two consecutive House wave elections to bring about a presidential realigning election.

There are some qualificaitons, however.  The waves in past elections have been much bigger than we experienced in 2006--a 7.1 percent gain in House sears--and have totalled 30% or better over 2-3 elections.

The transition to the 2nd Party system is hardest to quantify do to the vanishing of the Federalists, and the rather chaotic reshuffling of the Democratic-Republican factions.  But the others look as follows:

Year  Party  Gains
1800  Dem-Rep 20.8
1802  Dem-Rep  8.3
1804  Dem-Rep  7.8
Total  Dem-Rep 36.9 

Year Party Gains
1856  Rep  19.7
1858  Rep  10.7
1860  Rep  10.3
Total  Rep  40.7

Year  Party Gains
1892  Rep  10.4
1894  Rep  35.2
1896  Rep  -8.7
Total  Rep  36.9

Year  Party Gains
1930  Dem  11.9
1932  Dem  22.3
Total  Dem  34.2

From the above we can say it takes at least two consecutive wave elections in the same direction, totalling at least 34.2%.  However, there has been a drastic decline in the number and strength of wave elections since the 1940s--there were 3 with swings of over 10 percent that decade, and only one per decade at most since then, with none in 1980s and none in the 2000s so far.

What this suggests to me is that creating a realignment now will require a ramping up through the next two elections--and maybe a little extra gain from redistricting in the 2012 election, just to lock things in.  In particular, we'll need a strong wave in 2010, produced by winning the Presidency in 2008, and really showing America what a dramatic difference Democratic governance can mean.

There is no guarantee this will happen, of course.  But it suggests that if Democrats can slough off their caution by 2009, they should still have a shot for the magnitude of gains in House share that have characterized all past party system realignments.

The question is, of course, what would be the basis of this shift?  But that's a topic for another comment. Or diary. Or whatever.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


By my math (0.00 / 0)
that means a total of 149 house seats. Which is 118 or 19 to go. Which would be 352 House seats or 81%.  You have to go back to 1822 and the death of the Federalist Party before you find  percentage majorities like that, and then it was 189 seats.

John McCain opposes the GI Bill.

[ Parent ]
Yeah, Well (0.00 / 0)
I was going to talk about that as a mitigating factor in the analysis--the fact that we're starting from close to 50%, whereas past realignments usually started from much less--37.7% in 1928, for example.  But there was that site crash, rememeber?

Still, in 1932 we got 71.9%, which inched up to 76.7% in 1936.  Given how Borg-like the GOP has become in the last two decades, we should be thinking in terms of that kind of dominance--3/4ths of the House.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Hey we are trying in Utah (0.00 / 0)
I just put a post about this together to maybe help Matheson.  Matheson also got heckled at the state convention about Iraq, he did a quick in and out speech with a long video presentation, very disappointing.

Come visit the newest community blog for Utah Politics

Hey we are trying in Utah (0.00 / 0)
Yes we are, even though everytime I send a letter to my Congressperson and Senator who happens to have their heads either in the sand or somewhere else where the sun doesn't shine. In return, I get snotty letters back from Chris Cannon - yes that Chris Cannon, the one who embarassess everyone able to think for themselve, as well as the singin' senator Borin Orrin Hatch. The things they say in response to my careful, logical arguments against the war in Iraq, against the NSA spying scandal and everything else I can't stomach about the Bush administration they share their opinion that us little people can't possibly know of what we speak. It can be discouraging but I haven't given up and I support Matheson. Just remember that not everything in Utah is this bleak, we still have Ross "Rocky" Anderson who protested Bush' policies last time Dubya was here. So I can hold my head up in that respect.

[ Parent ]
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