Trampling Working-Class Voters With the Professional Ideal

by: David Sirota

Mon Sep 08, 2008 at 14:29


To start this post, let's first stipulate that the Republican Party of artistocrat George W. Bush labeling "elitist" the Democratic Party of up-from-the-bootstraps Barack Obamais about the silliest, most intelligence-insulting frame ever attempted by a major political party in contemporary American history. But let's also consider the very important point in this fascinating article by Aziz Rana in N+1 magazine.

Rana suggests that the reason Obama - and Democrats in general - have had trouble with working-class voters has to do with the underlying assumptions in their most favorite contemporary narrative - you know, the ones about people working hard, going to college and becoming high-paid professionals. That's Obama's whole life story, and the story that countless Democratic politicians tell as their version of "The American Dream."

The problem is that's not the only American Dream.

David Sirota :: Trampling Working-Class Voters With the Professional Ideal
There's also a long history of the dream being one of making a living and - just as important - attaining social status through farming, small-business development and factory work. That is, a dream whereby the aspiration is not to emerge from blue-collar-dom into the professional class, but to achieve the dream WITHIN blue-collar-dom:

"Three earlier accounts of the American dream not only survived but were real competitors [to professionalism] for social preeminence. In Thomas Jefferson's founding republican vision, yeoman farmers were 'the most valuable citizens...the most vigorous, the most independent, the most virtuous,...tied to their country and wedded to its liberty and interest by the most lasting bonds.' To this Jeffersonian vision of 'the cultivators of the earth,' a rapidly urbanizing nineteenth century added the small-business owner and the unionized industrial worker...These three versions of the American dream each still constituted a viable route to meaningful political and social life."

The problem is that over time, our political culture has promoted just "the professional ideal, which values only certain types of work and thus implicitly disdains the rest." That phenomenon hasn't happened because of Obama (obviously). It is due to many factors. A big one, for instance, is a media dominated by millionaire pundits and commentators who regularly bill their white-collar professional path as the only respectable career trajectory - and one that is supposedly open to everyone (when, of course, it isn't). Another is an activist political class dominated by adherents to and products of that professional American Dream - an activist class, in other words, that is largely run by those who have no connection to, appreciation of (and this is the most critical one) or belief in that working-class American Dream.

However, Obama's own personal story, his rhetoric and the DLC-ish, Third Way-esque posture of Democrats when they address economic issues undeniably reinforces the image that the party, indeed, subscribes ONLY to this professional ideal of the American Dream - one that inherently looks down on blue-collar America because "it is an inherently exclusive ideal, structured around a divide between those engaged in high-status work and those confined to task execution."

What references to blue-collar America that are typically made by Democrats are those that hearken back to an earlier "Golden Age" - rather than those implying that blue-collar America remains a vibrant, honorable and important part of our country - beyond its historical hagiographic value in sepia-toned campaign ads. Those who have chosen blue-collar work are not to be mourned over as those who tragically failed in their supposed real goal of becoming a lawyer, nor are they to be celebrated for their quaintness - they are to be held up as equally as economically valuable, culturally important and worthy of political power as the white-collar crowd that preens around with a hubristic air of entitlement and superiority.

Here's the real crux:

"The professional and educational meritocracy justifies a basic hierarchy in which only those with professional status wield political and economic power [and] Barack Obama's political ascent reiterates the current dominance of the professional ethic...From 1932 until 1968, the Democratic Party rested on two descriptions of American life--the American dream as embodied by the rural farmer and the industrial worker. It gained sustenance from a respect for these accounts of middle-class achievement, economic independence, and democratic inclusion. Today's party, however, has given up on establishing new forms of solidarity for nonprofessional citizens. All it has to offer is a lose-lose proposition: join the competition for professional status and cultural privilege at a severe disadvantage, or don't join it at all. The party holds on to the social programs of the past, but in ever more truncated form. It presents a politics of consensus while ignoring the fact of basic division...If Obama hopes to save his party and to address the interests and experiences of working-class citizens, he will have to challenge the hegemony of the professional and with it the closing of the American dream."

I disagree with Rana in ascribing any kind of blame to Obama for living the life he lived, and having the success he's had. Obama should be proud of that story, and talk about it often. I also disagree with Rana in the either/or proposition that suggests you either voice the professional American Dream, or you voice the blue-collar American Dream. I actually think progressives can walk and chew gum at the same time by voicing both. And, of course, Obama's trouble with working-class voters is at least partially due to America's persistent struggle to be comfortable with African American (and other minority) political leaders.

All of that said, I agree that Obama's (and the Democratic Party's) insistence on avoiding major issues that raise class conflict (like, say, trade reform or confronting corporate power) is a product of a fealty to the professional American Dream. I mean, as I noted in an earlier newspaper column, here we have a Democratic Party that could skewer John McCain on the class-based issue of NAFTA - and there has been almost complete silence on that set of issues since the Democratic primary.

And let's be clear: it's not just avoidance and silence, either. It's often times more overt, like when every Democratic politician has to preface any vaguely populist declaration about trade and outsourcing by saying they aren't a "protectionist." What they are really asserting when they say that is that they believe protecting blue-collar jobs isn't really all that desirable, because they believe Americans think blue-collar work isn't really a desirable ends - that if anything, Americans see factory, small-business and agriculture jobs as merely a means to a white-collar professional ends.

But that's not the way working-class America sees the world, says Rana - and says American history. And until Democrats realize that - until they present an agenda that proves they truly believe there is value in the non-professional path - they will struggle to win over working-class voters drawn to the the GOP's culturally populist appeals.


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Excellent points, David. (4.00 / 2)
Too many Democrats ignore working class life, thereby giving an opening to "cultural populists like Palin."

Well done! And I agree with your critique ... (4.00 / 2)
...of Rana's saying that one version of the American Dream should be substituted for the other. That's the kind of some of my so-called revolutionary colleagues in the late '60s and early '70s, mostly folks, who contradictorily came from the an elite professional (or higher) class themselves and had no real clue about blue-collar life from their upbringing, schooling or later top-down associations. It's a holier-than-thou approach. Both American Dreams, indeed, I would posit that there are more than two, can and should be embraced.

Thanks for pointing me to this.


Correx: "That's the kind of ... (0.00 / 0)
...talk spouted by some of my ..."

[ Parent ]
This is a really valuable insight. (4.00 / 4)
My least favorite line in Obama's acceptance speech, by far: something about "every American child going to college."  He probably actually said "so every American child can go to college", which is not the same and which is a fair proposition, but it came off as "in Obamaland, every American child will go to college", which is a dumb, and awful, and overtly pandering thing to say.  Trying to listen through the ears of a low-info indie voter, I thought "oh look, another pandering lying bullshit politician.  Never mind."

But it also commits the sin of suggesting that college is the only good way forward for anyone who wants a job with some dignity, and that sucks.  Firefighters and electricians and soldiers and air conditioner repairmen do important real work and deserve dignity too.

Interestingly, this college rhetoric may be so widespread because it's also very gender-neutral, just below the surface.  A lot of the "traditional" good jobs are also traditionally gendered male, and the "traditional" female jobs are often not so great.  I tried to think of non-college, traditional, and overtly female jobs, and came up with: day care, hairdresser, secretary, homemaker, seamstress, and hospitality... not the easiest set of jobs to valorize in speeches.  Suggesting that you send your daughters to college is a little safer, I'd think.

The fact that the non-college economy is still fairly gendered may have a lot to do with why it doesn't fit into Democratic rhetoric very well.



My cousin's daughter ... (0.00 / 0)
is a gender-busting sheet metal worker (chiefly a/c ducts) in San Antonio, now with supervisory responsibilities. I'm very proud of her. All the men in her family are in skilled construction trades of one kind or another, except for her brother, an Army helicopter pilot in Iraq. All make a fairly decent living. Though their mother is a primary school librarian, none of them went to college.

She recently came out as a Democrat, to my mild surprise, by telling this joke: The teacher announces to the class that it will have a great honor the following week, when the President of the U.S. will come to their classroom. She asks if they have anything to tell the President. Little Johnny waves his hand excitedly and she calls on him. "My cat had five kittens and they are all Republicans!" he exclaimed. The teacher was pleased with that answer. So when the President arrived in her classroom, the teacher asked again if anyone had anything to tell the President, and promptly called on Little Johnny. "My cat had five kittens and they are all Democrats!" he exclaimed. The teacher was completely flustered and blurted out, "But last week you said they were all Republicans?" And Little Johnny explained, "Yes, but now their eyes are open."


[ Parent ]
The other paths are dead... (4.00 / 1)
...as Kelsey's nuts, and the very people who are whoring their memory destroyed them -- agribusiness killing the family farm, the big-box retailer killing off the family store, off-shoring and union-busting killing off the well-paying factory jobs.

It's the socioeconomic equivalent of shooting your parents and throwing yourself on the mercy of the court because you're an orpan.


intersting! (0.00 / 0)
so working class voters have class consciousness and the Democratic Party is presenting an upward mobility ideal?  Given that the conventionally understood 'American dream' is predicated on upward individual mobility and the denial of existence of classes, is it surprising that one of the two major parties (even the more worker friendly one) is going to promote a version of the American Dream in 2008 that gibes with the interests of the market (work hard, you can move up, or your children can move up) rather than one that emphasises collective redistribution on the basis of class?

Sorry i this is incomprehensible- working on a paper on class and politics and ideas, so i'm a bit steeped in marxist readings right now :)

btw, points above about the difference between recognizing class and romanticizing class are well taken.


I'm kinda mystified... (0.00 / 0)
...by this analysis leveled at Barack Obama, especially given the decidedly non-DLC atmosphere at the Dem Convention a couple of weeks ago. I don't remember hearing the word "protectionism" all that much, but I do remember lots of talk of outsourcing capped off by "Barney Smith/Smith Barney." I also remember the woman whose quest for equal pay was thwarted by the Supreme Court; was she from the "professional class"? And wasn't there some story about Joe Biden spending a day with a school maintenance man or something? I see where you're coming from, David, but there's a part of me that thinks it's a bit disengenuous to decry dreams of college-driven upwardly mobility without addressing the fact that our society got this way as a result of Republican economics gutting both our agricultural and industrial sectors. Given the choice between your kid going to college or working at Wal-Mart and flipping burgers, what do you expect people to aspire to?  

"This ain't for the underground. This here is for the sun." -Saul Williams

Walmart or McDonalds? That's exactly the prejudice that has to be fought. (0.00 / 0)
Do craftsmen need a college education? Firemen? Truckers? Shop assistants? etc etc.
Those are totally honorable jobs, and the economy will still need people who do them in the future. Not that there's anything wrong with flipping burgers or replenishing shelves at a store, btw. And people should care much more about what job will be the right one for their kid instead of becoming fixated on college. It's absolutely possible your kid will be more happier, and even make more money, by becoming a plumber, eventually starting their own business, instead of going to college, barely making it, and becoming just another depressed office staffer with a lousy salary.  

[ Parent ]
Got no beef… (0.00 / 0)
...with skilled trades or other "honorable" jobs (truckers in particular have it pretty hard right now, btw, gas prices and all). My guess would be that neither does Barack Obama. For the record, however, the trouble with stocking shelves or flipping burgers isn't the work, it's the pay--which anyone will tell you sucks. (And don't hold your breath waiting for that Wal-Mart health benefits package.) I wouldn't automatically assume that skilled craftsmen don't support Obama, either, though if that's the case I'll bet it has little to do with the feeling that his ideas deny them a place in the American Dream.

"This ain't for the underground. This here is for the sun." -Saul Williams

[ Parent ]
Of course, it's the pay! (0.00 / 0)
And Dems should show those workers at the end of the line that they really care about them and their sorrows. Making it sound as if a college degree is the cure-all for all those problems certainly won't resonate among that group. They simply don't have the time, nor the money, to pursuit a better education. But they are Americans and voters, too (well, at least many of them)

[ Parent ]
Starts with language… (0.00 / 0)
...because personally, I would never refer to anyone hardworking person as being "at the end of the line." And as I said earlier about the post-DLC Dem Convention, my guess is that Barack Obama wouldn't use that language, either. The whole "Ownership Society" bit in his acceptance is the diametric opposite of that. Reading some of the responses on this thread, you could easily walk away thinking that Dems were not the party of labor. I say give it a break, because it's quite obvious that Obama's problems reaching working-class whites aren't necessarily message-related.

"This ain't for the underground. This here is for the sun." -Saul Williams

[ Parent ]
But then, English is your native language, (0.00 / 0)
but not mine. Sometimes I confuse the metaphors. Thx for pointing out the mistake.

However, I still think David is up to something. Obama's emphasis on better education as the solution to the problems of the working class misses the point for many and can be perceived as looking down on workers. The Dems have lots to offer for hard working people, they should talk about this without making it seem that one has to be ashamed of not having or even wanting a college degree.  


[ Parent ]
Of course it's the pay (0.00 / 0)
The biggest raise blue collar workers could get will come from tax-funded universal health care. The second will come from making it easier to form unions and get contracts. Many will benefit from better support for expanding public transit and Amtrak, and other programs for the general welfare of the public.

[ Parent ]
Thank you for the link, David, and your enthusiastic response (4.00 / 1)
As one of the editors of Aziz Rana's piece, however, I think you mistake its tone while getting the article's major argument. If you reread the piece, you'll find that our author does not "blame" Obama for his success. The tone is neutral throughout and also respectful, although I'd be interested to know where you feel he does blame him. As I read it, Rana simply points out that, for a while, Obama was running as both the embodiment of a particular story of American opportunity and the candidate most likely to allow individual voters to pursue this story for themselves. It was and remains a very useful confusion. Either you vote for him because he embodies the change he and you seek, or you vote for him because you think he'll increase your family's chances of going to Harvard Law.
To other commenters on this site, I would describe the piece as a look into the meaningful intellectual origins of a commonly held prejudice. Our author is not arguing for a replacement of the professional ideal of the American Dream by the earlier forms he describes. Of course, as one commenter notes, the other paths to the American Dream are dead. That's mentioned in the essay too. That's what it's about; see the title. But the memory of those paths lives on and must be taken into account in political campaigns and in political life. Political rhetoric has an obligation to memory and to the dead.
The Republicans, as we know, have become experts at the politics of resentment. They exploit the anger of the 6.1% unemployed "working" classes, offering them a chance to symbolically "revenge" themselves on the supposed "elites." It's nasty and it's been working for too long. The key phrase for me in the essay comes in the middle of the scroll, when our author, describing the state of the earlier American Dreams on or about 1910, writes, "these three versions of the American dream each still constituted a viable route to meaningful political and social life." A lot depends on the adjectives here: "viable," "meaningful," and "political." If you think having a vote every two to four years in a curiously weighted, often gerrymandered, democratic process counts as "meaningful political life," then you'll have some problems with the article's larger claims. If you think that there's more to politics than merely voting based on how people look and act on television and wresting some sort of victor's mandate, then you'll wonder how we can get poorer Americans to feel that they are also part of a national renewal project (i.e. by sensing you have a stake in a community in which you'll live for a long time, a community that you'll bequeath to your children and the communities' children, that there's a basic dignity to human life that ought, for instance, to inspire us with a horror of torture and respect for liberties which must also be experienced to be understood.) Since no one in America can run as a socialist and claim that individualism is overrated, would-be economic reformers like Obama can get caught in a nasty contradiction, if they're not careful.  I'm not sure what lesson one takes as a strategist from the piece, but strategists need also to be able to frame problems for themselves before working out a strategy, and  I hope Aziz's piece will be a useful contribution to that reframing.
thanks,
Marco Roth    

Great point! You don't need college... (0.00 / 0)
to be a great cook, a popular, efficient waitress or a great hairdresser, for instance. Those are important jobs that have to be done, and those hard working people don't even remotely receive the tribute they deserve, neither publicly nor financially. And David is right, the misguided emphasis on higher qualifications is directly responsible for the situation where good Americans providing essential services increasingly become the parias of society.

This ins't a message the Dem party should spread, and the whole idea that systemic economic imbalancew would disappear wheneverybody could or should have college education is ridiculous. There is nothing wrong with doing a job that doesn't depend on a college graduate, and the Dems should be the party that fights for those people getting their fair share. And this should be reflected in camapign speeches and ads, too. As Paul wrote recently, those blue collar and service workers are torn between voting on the issues or on their instincts. To win the election, Dems have to make some very good points showing they have the better grab of the issues, and they should care more about the instincts of this group, too. The polls show that arrogantly believing US workers have no other choice than voting with their wallets is a sure recipe for defeat. Something has to change.


Dems Do Better with Working Class Than Professionals (4.00 / 3)
There's an awful lot of manufactured opinion by the right on these issues and I think to a degree, we're buying into their frames and into the perceptions that they create that Democrats are elitist and do not stand with regular people.  Those frames are, of course, lies.  Take a gander at the CNN exit polling on income from the 2004 presidential election:

             % of voters        Bush           Kerry
Under $15,000   (8%)        36%          63%
$15-30,000       (15%)        42%         57%
$30-50,000       (22%)        49%         50%
$50-75,000       (23%)        56%         43%
$75-100,000     (14%)        55%         45%
$100-150,000   (11%)        57%         42%
$150-200,000     (4%)        58%         42%
$200,000 or More (3%)       63%        35%

Kerry won voters making less than $50,000 by 11%. He won voters making less than $100,000 by 1%.  So, without the professional class and those few in Bush's ownership society that own a lot of stuff, Bush would have lost the election.  If Bush had lost the election, I doubt we would be having this discussion.  

Finally, Kerry won union households by a 19% margin.  Union members voted Kerry over Bush by a 23% margin.  

Perhaps the argument is that we ought to be doing even better with these voters than we are, but looking at this, it would appear that we ought to focus more on the professional class.  And there is reason to believe that the Democrat's message can appeal more to the professional class, which is now under attack just like the working class has been under for the past 30 years.  

With the outsourcing of white collar jobs, we are all in the same boat.  Corporations are moving accounting, legal, engineering, design, IT and other white collar jobs overseas.  In India, a software engineer with a college degree, but with only entry level experience makes about $7500 per year to start.  The American Dream is threatened for most wage-earners, whether you're professional or blue collar worker.  Obama's convention speech focused on the threat to the American Dream and what he is going to do to restore the economic conditions so that Americans will have the opportunity to achieve it.  He has also focused on the "middle class," which includes both professional and working classes.  The policies are targeted broadly, towards all workers.

Saxby Chambliss, worse than disgraceful; he's reprehensible.  


Well, that's the Stevensonian wing for ya (0.00 / 0)
Harry, Nancy, Donna, HoHo -- nice work.  

I am in earnest -- I will not equivocate -- I will not excuse -- I will not retreat a single inch -- AND I WILL BE HEARD.  

No. (0.00 / 0)
"... they are to be held up as equally as economically valuable, culturally important and worthy of political power as the white-collar crowd that preens around with a hubristic air of entitlement and superiority."

The whole white-collar crowd does this? All of them? Really?

Bull.

Plenty of white collar workers come from blue collar families whose parents had exactly that dream for them. We're not talking about different damn species of human being. You don't immediately become an arrogant jerk who thinks the whole damn world is beneath you just because you went to college and got some all-too-often-crappy office job.


the Republicans' edge in numbers comes from white middle-class males (0.00 / 0)
who vote based on religious and social issues.

Someone already posted the CNN 2004 exit poll questions about income, so here is the breakdown about religion:

VOTE BY CHURCH ATTENDANCE

% OF VOTERS            BUSH     KERRY

Weekly (41%)              61%      39%        
Occasionally (40%)       47%      53%
Never (14%)                36%      62%

WHITE EVANGELICAL/BORN-AGAIN?

% OF VOTERS   BUSH      KERRY

Yes (23%)          78%         21%
No (77%)           43%         56%

VOTE BY RELIGION AND ATTENDANCE

% OF VOTERS                        BUSH       KERRY

Protestant/Weekly (16%)       70%         29%
Prot./Less Often (15%)           56%         43%
Catholic/Weekly (11%)           56%         43%
Catholic/Less Often (14%)      49%         50%
All Others (39%)                    40%         59%

To ascribe Democratic losses solely to a purported inability to connect with working-class concerns gives a very distorted picture of things.

You're perpetuating the pernicious stereotype of Democrats as latte-sipping, Prius-driving, granola eating elitists who don't care about working-class folk. Even though you're not doing so out of malice, you're doing it nonetheless.

As another poster pointed out, so called "professional" workers are becoming just as expendable as blue-collar workers. And to try to drive a wedge between them seems to me to be poor tactics.


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