The Working Conservative Talking Point Majority

by: Chris Bowers

Wed Aug 22, 2007 at 16:21


Here is the number of deaths Iraqi security and non-Iraqi occupational forces in Iraq have suffered according to various time periods since the war began. From Iraq Coalition Causality Count:

Military and Security Fatalities in Iraq
Time Period Days American Iraqi Other Total Per Day
2/01/2007—today 202 636 1348 43 2027 10.03
12/15/2005—1/31/2007 412 933 2288 52 3273 7.94
1/31/2005—12/14/2005 318 715 2334 31 3080 9.69
6/29/2004—1/30/2005 216 580 544* 52 1176 5.44
5/20/2003—6/28/2004 423 718 861* 86 1665 3.93
3/20/2003—5/01/2003 43 140 NA 33 173 4.02

* = It is estimated that 1,300 Iraqi security personnel were killed before January 1st, 2005, but specific month by month dates are not available. As such, t number was divided evenly over time periods two and three.

The time periods are defined as follows:

  • Period 6: February 1 , 2007 through today's date. The surge or troop escalation.
  • Period 5: December 15, 2005 (the day after Iraq general elections) through January 31, 2007.
  • Period 4: January 31, 2005 (the day after Iraq Elections) through December 14, 2005
  • Period 3: June 29, 2004 (the day after the official turnover of sovereignty to Iraq) through January 30, 2005 (Iraq Elections).
  • Period 2: May 2, 2003 through June 28, 2004 (the day of the official turnover of sovereignty to Iraq).
  • Period 1: March 20, 2003 through May 1, 2003 (the end of major combat).

So, during the escalation, Iraqi Security forces and non-Iraqi coalition forces have suffered just over ten fatalities per day, the worst average of the entire war. And yet, it would appear that Pollack and O’Hanlon are writing the talking points for our frontrunners in 2008. John Edwards (emphasis mine):
Chris Bowers :: The Working Conservative Talking Point Majority
Our military's hard-won progress in Al-Anbar province should not distract us from the fact that pouring more military resources into Iraq is no substitute for the comprehensive national political solution that will ultimately resolve the situation in Iraq.

What progress? This is the bloodiest period of the war. Barack Obama:

“My assessment is that if we put an additional 30,000 of our outstanding troops into Baghdad, that that's going to quell some of the violence, short term. I don't think that there's ever been any doubt about that.

No doubt? Then why is Iraq bloodier than it was before? Hillary Clinton:

"We've begun to change tactics in Iraq, and in some areas, particularly in Al Anbar Province, it's working," Clinton told the gathering of veterans in Kansas City, Mo., according to a New York Times account of the speech.

Define “working.” Iraq has been bloodier during the escalation than during any other time period. Are Democratic campaigns controlled by a foreign policy establishment that does not, in the end, tend to view matters like Iraq in a significantly different way than Pollack and O’ Hanlon? Are Democratic politicians so afraid of being tarred as “against the troops” that they bend over backwards to try and praise progress in Iraq? Are Democratic campaigns still largely unaware of how their statements will be used by the Republican Noise Machine to paint Democratic division in important upcoming legislative fights?

The answer to all of these questions is basically yes. The Democratic foreign policy establishment is still largely to the right of progressive activists, the Democratic Party rank and file, and the country as a whole. Among other things, that is why most members of said established supported the war in the first place, and still think large numbers of residual forces in Iraq are a good idea. Second, Democrats lost the first Iraq funding fight largely because many of them are still afraid of being tarred as “anti-troop,” and have never really engaged in any serious pushback against that talking point. Third, presidential campaigns are clearly out of sync with broader Democratic messaging on Iraq, largely because they are more interested in defining themselves to the public, and differentiating their candidates from each other, than they are in the struggle in end the war in Congress. Fortunately, there are signs of hope. From Chris Dodd:

"Despite the exemplary performance of our troops, we are coming off the bloodiest summer of this misguided war and it should be clear that there can be no military solution in Iraq.

"It is useless to argue the merits of a specific tactic when the strategy itself is failed.

"In fact, debating over military tactics when there is no military solution only undermines efforts by those of us who believe that we must change course in Iraq now and begin to immediately redeploy US combat forces so that Iraqi leaders will have the impetus to find a political accord."

A perfect statement, and one that should become the model of every Democratic campaign. It isn’t that hard. Just point out the obvious facts:
    li>The war is getting bloodier;
  • No matter how well our strategy is carried out by our troops, it will stay bloodier;
  • Whatever tactics we use will not reduce the bloodshed;
  • The only solution is to redeploy troops out of Iraq.
As many have noted, even Ellen Tauscher is starting to get this. Building a progressive governing majority will require that all prominent Democrats learn to talk this well. there are some signs of progress, but given the statements yesterday from Clinton, Edwards and Obama, it is also obvious that there is still a lot of work to be done.

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The importance of being the second-favorite in IA (0.00 / 0)
I while back someone posted a rather detailed diary showing how the outcome of the IA caucuses influence the national polling.  On a related note it is important to consider how the winner of the Iowa caucuses is determined.  Here's a good description:

http://usgovinfo.abo...

It seems to me that those who are not already on the Hillary bandwagon are unlikely to get on it given a viable alternative candidate.  That is, Obama and Edwards supporters are more likely to support each others candidate than to support Hillary. How would the race change, under this assumption, if either Obama attracted all of Edwards support or vice versa?

  Clinton   Obama+Edwards

IA  26.2   44.2
NH  34.6   38.0
MI  38.5   41.5
NV  33.0   34.0
FL  40.8   30.5
SC  37.0   44.0

Another way of looking at this is to show that Hillary has not  even approached the magic number of 50% support.  If for no other reason, one should be skeptical of the Hillary is inevitable talk.


I'd like to believe it was possible, but... (4.00 / 2)
I basically agree with all of what you say, except the suggestion that it might somehow turn around.

The snappy answer you'd get from the front-runners' people on Dodd, of course, is He's a no-hoper - he can afford to say it!

The Dem national security gurus are PNAC with a human face on the Willie Sutton principle: 60 years of Dem terror following Truman losing China makes foreign policy minimalists a drug on the market.

The candidates want hawks, and they get them.

But I don't think that's by any means the whole story: for one thing, I think they've seen the Bush macho posturing and decided, not (as in drutherful moments one might hope) that it's utterly counterproductive and imbecilic, but that they can posture better than he can.

The only hope is that the JCS makes the case, and our putative Dem prez agrees, that the US military needs some downtime after six years of Afghanistan and Iraq - and that curbs aggresive tendencies.

Not much of a hope.


Pull outs and draw downs (0.00 / 0)
The number of foreign troops in Iraq may not be surging so much as it is transforming.  Nineteen nations have withdrawn troops and the remaining 20 (shown as "other") are down to a paltry 11,251.  The UK contributes over half of that (5,500 and slowly going down).  The Coalition of the Willing, as predicted, has become the "coalition" of the United States.

This is so like the Spanish American War/ Phillipine Insurrection with a relatively bloodless victory followed by a long, drawn out US takeover against locals.  We lost over 4,000 dead Americans in that one and are at 3,772 for Iraq.  Bush is adding them at a rate of over 1,000 a year so if nothing changes we will reach 5,000 dead Americans in Iraq before W leaves office.

Oh, yes.  We then occupied the Philippines for 40 years after their civil war was over before it was granted independence in 1946 (not counting the three years of Japanese occupation in the total). 


Al Anbar (0.00 / 0)
Chris,

Your anger is getting in the way a bit.  I agree with the point you're trying to make, but you have to be willing to read the actual words our candidates are saying.  Both Edwards and Clinton are talking about Al Anbar province, rather than about the war as a whole (Edwards more explicitly and exclusively than Clinton).  There have been (relative) success stories coming out of Al Anbar for a while -- attacks are down, American tactics have in fact shifted to building coalitions, etc (do a quick Google news search on "al anbar").

I'd have to agree with Edwards that progress in Al Anbar (which does exist) should not be taken as a signal of success for the surge/sending more troops/thinking there's a military solution.

http://www.actblue.com/page/asaslist


Coalitions with whom? (0.00 / 0)
"There have been (relative) success stories coming out of Al Anbar for a while -- attacks are down, American tactics have in fact shifted to building coalitions, etc (do a quick Google news search on "al anbar")."

As I read it, the "coalition" partners are Sunni tribal leaders and ex-Ba'athists. In other words, pretty much the same "coalition" that put and kept Saddam Hussein in power for decades.  That these groups can quell violent opposition  - in the short-term - is at the root of the "progress" cited in Al-Anbar.

But, how does this situation portend any long-term success?

Regardless of whether you call this  "diplomatic" or "military" progress, to my mind it is in direct contradiction with the professed long-term goals of a unified, stable Iraq. If this "coalition" is to have any long-term benefits - the focus must be on how to translate this battle-field cooperation into enticing these tribal leaders to engage in the civilian government.  For all the talk of Al-Anbar, I've yet to hear much about how this "progress" has influenced the relationship between the Shi'ite - lead al-Maliki government and the Sunni tribes. 

I'd like to hear the candidates that see "progress" in Al-Anbar tell us how they expect to build upon that success.  - beyond just applauding Bush for cutting deals with the tribesmen.



"It sounds wrong...
     ...but its right."


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