Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing: Challenges of The "Vision Thing"

by: educationaction

Sat May 24, 2008 at 13:01


(Another installment in this excelelnt series! - promoted by Paul Rosenberg)

Community organizers have been criticized for jumping from narrow issue to narrow issue without much sense of the "big picture."  Too often organizing groups lack a coherent sense of the kind of social changes that would create the world they would like to have.  They know how to demand discrete changes, but don't think enough about how to string these changes together into broad social transformation.  In this post, I explore some challenges and tensions involved in bringing coherent actions in the present together with longer-term visions of social justice.

Those new to these posts may want to read Part I and Part II of "What is Organizing?"  See the full series here.  A paper giving an overview of current organizing challenges and a possible solution can be found here .

educationaction :: Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing: Challenges of The "Vision Thing"
Challenges of Issue "Cutting"

As I noted in my earlier "What is Organizing"  posts, community organizing groups generally focus on winning on specific and relatively narrow "issues" that are cut from much broader "problems."  A "problem" is something enormous and vague-like world hunger.  Because it is very difficult to fight to change "problems" organizers carve very specific and discrete "issues" from problems that can be won in a relatively limited time.  Forcing county government to give one million dollars to a local food bank is a good example of an issue cut out of the problem of world hunger.

As I noted earlier, there are a range of criteria that help organizers decide what might "count" as a good issue.  Good issues are simple, they generate a visceral sense of injustice in a broad spectrum of the public, and there is a specific "target" that can make the necessary change, and this target is someone or some institution that you are likely to have the power to influence, among other aspects.  (Those who are interested can see this detailed draft lecture from my online organizing class on criteria for issues).

As experienced organizers will tell you, cutting a good issue is extremely challenging.  In part, this is because there are real tensions between the different criteria.  For example, you have to balance the desire to "win" with the desire to fight for something important enough to bring new people and power to your organization.  You want to fight for things that will really make a difference for your constituencies, but sometimes it is hard to frame these things in ways that really generate a visceral response.  (Increased reimbursement rates for dentists so they will serve poor children may be a key need, for example, but it is difficult to get people excited about giving relatively privileged dentists more money.)  And the kinds of changes you most want to achieve (like more funding for local schools) may exceed the power you have available (school funding is mostly a state issue in my area, but our organization is only city-wide).  

Long Term Planning

Multi-issue community organizing groups are generally structured by committee.  There might be committees for education, for health care, for prison reform, etc.  

In the ideal, each committee would take the time to envision what the best long-term change in their area might look like.  What, for example, would a truly equitable school system look like?  It would make sense to back up from this broader vision and plan one's individual issue campaigns so that they were designed to lead to this long-term goal.  And then the different issue committees could get together to see how to bring their area-focused plans together into a broader effort, seeking ways their different visions might support each other.

Hopefully, you can already see how difficult this kind of effort would be, especially given the limited time staff and volunteers of such programs already have.  It is hard enough just to "cut" issues and plan for individual campaigns, and some groups have trouble even pulling this off.

Best Laid Plans

These challenges are magnified by the fact that good issues rarely emerge in the abstract.  They are "cut" out of the specific history and relationships of the particular context in which an organization works.  With respect to schools, to cite a few real examples from my own experience, at one moment there may be an opening for nutrition programs, at another moment an effort to eliminate bussing may provide an opportunity for resistance, at another moment the State may be open to health care efforts based in schools.  

You rarely get to choose what you will fight for in any simple and predictable way, although hopefully you can focus on particular areas for some extended period of time.  As I have noted before, there is a tension between maintaining the expertise necessary to operate successfully in a particular issue area, and the ability to take advantage of emergent opportunities for action.  

Further, as you can see, these issues are related to each other in a general way, but don't clearly fit together into a long-term plan for social change.  They represent relatively discrete opportunities to improve the lives of children, but it is difficult to see any larger vision of social transformation across them.  

To some extent, the nutrition and the health care efforts, at least, seem like they imply a world in which schools embrace responsibility for a range of social service efforts, even if this vision was not consciously intended by the groups fighting for these discrete issues.  But this raises questions about the plusses and minuses of choosing schools as the site for these services.  In other words, by happening to fight for these issues, has this group unintentionally started to foster a broader vision of social transformation based in schools?  And what might the drawbacks of such a solution be?  Since the group probably hasn't even noticed that it is at least implicitly promoting such a vision, it hasn't even asked these questions.

Tensions Between Local Improvement and Social Destructiveness

At this point, it seems helpful to examine some partially imaginary examples of the kinds of tensions that can be created by a narrow focus on issues without a broader sense of social vision.

The Catch-22 of Police Protection

It is not uncommon for organizing groups to demand more police protection for residents in one way or another.  This could range from increased police patrols, to efforts to have drug houses removed, and more.  

But it is at least arguable that the enormous presence of police in central city areas, and their constant harassment of youth, focus on drug enforcement, etc., has at least partially created the very problems that residents now want them to eliminate.  There is good evidence, for example that at least as many people sell and use drugs in rich suburbs as in the central city.  But enforcement in wealthier areas is not even of the same magnitude.  Partly as a result of this and other issues of structural and individual racism, a huge percentage of African Americans, especially, end up in prison.  I won't take the space to give these issues the attention they deserve.  For my purposes, the take home point is that more police engagement may actually be intensifying larger social problems even if it may help reduce a few local challenges (and even that is open to dispute).

The Catch-22 of Increased Funding for Non-Profits

I mentioned fighting for more money for a local food bank above as a "good" issue.  Another might be more funding to support local drug-treatment.  Winning on either of these issues would have a concrete impact on the lives of real people in the community.  

But at the same time, this approach to solving social problems, targeted funding for non-profit services, may actually serve to obscure the larger problems these groups are addressing, and may reduce the possibility of achieving the kinds of changes we really need.

Janet Poppendieck's Sweet Charity carefully deconstructs the logic of the "emergency" food system that has burgeoned over the last few decades.   She shows how these efforts have made people feel like the "hunger issue" is being taken care of, and has relieved pressure for wider efforts to reduce poverty.  Further, she points out that giving people food is actually an incredibly inefficient way to deal with food problems.  People may not get the food they need or want, their nutrition may be compromised, the lack of money to pay for food may lead supermarkets serving cheaper and better food to leave poor areas, and on and on.  The fact is, she shows, food stamps are a much better and more efficient way to support poor people, along with other forms of income support.

Much the same argument could be made about drug treatment.  Funding a few drug treatment centers almost inevitably leads to rationing of treatment, since a discrete block of funding is rarely enough to treat everyone who needs it.  Thus, people who are finally ready to get treatment may not be able to get it until they have relapsed, and those who inevitably relapse after treatment (it often takes a few tries) may not be able to get back in.  And, to link to the discussion of police, above, many of these people end up in prison where they are unlikely to get much treatment.  Further, such efforts concentrate a particular group of addicts in particular settings, isolating them away from those better off who have actual insurance and who don't have to go to "county."  What we really need is better and more broadly available health insurance so that everyone has access to drug treatment when they need it.  But by having "county" facilities available, there is, again, a release valve, however limited, that makes it seem like we are "doing something" about addiction for poor people.

Yet, the kinds of changes we really need-more money for food stamps and better insurance, for example-are extremely difficult to fight for.  For a range of reasons, they don't fit the criteria of "good" issues as well as discrete $$ for drug treatment and for food efforts do.

"Wins" on issues like these may build the power of the organization, but they may also actually make it more difficult to reach the kind of society where problems of hunger and addiction are less oppressive for those on the lower economic rungs of society.

Beyond Ideology to Pragmatic Vision

The answer is not to embrace the kind of often simplistic "ideology" that contributed to the destruction of the civil rights movement in the 1960s.  Abstract and decontextualized visions of a better society, however sophisticated, can be illuminating in a general sense, but they don't really address the challenges I am focusing on, here.

Instead, what I am thinking at the moment is that it would be helpful to have a series of documents exploring the tensions of particular issue areas as well as relationships between particular issues and longer-term visions of social transformation.  

What about a document that discusses the plusses and minuses of different approaches to hunger, for example?  I imagine something written in direct and concrete language, listing specific examples of issues (school nutrition? food bank funding? food stamps?) and discussing the benefits and limitations of each.  

This could also include examples of broader, longer-term visions, discussing the strengths and weakenesses of each.  What would a food stamps-based social transformation look like?  What would a comprehensive non-profit-based solution look like?  What would a broader income-support solution look like?  And what are the practical challenges and benefits of each?  

Actionpedia

In a rapidly changing world, you wouldn't want these to be static documents.  Instead, perhaps there could be a "actionpedia" that would allow them to emerge out of the multiple experiences of different organizers and leaders, including sections for ongoing dialogue and disagreement.

I could imagine that issue committees thinking about working on the food issue, or police protection, for example, pulling up a few pages that would quickly give them a sense of the key characteristics of their particular area.  It would not tell them what to do, but would instead introduce them to key tensions they would need to carefully negotiate.  At the same time, this document would indicate how the group's individual decisions might link to larger visions of social change.  

A key tension, here, would be between inclusivity and brevity in the text.  You would not want it to lose any pragmatic usefulness by burying these concerns under obsessive verbiage.  And you would not want them to give people the impression that there is some "cookie-cutter" approach to issue development that short-circuits traditional learning and research efforts.  (In other words, you wouldn't want these written by academics.)

The field would need to experiment with different formats.  The best document that no one on the ground has the time or interest to actually use won't do anyone much good.  To the extent that these fluid "white papers" gained a reputation for helping groups avoid pit-falls without shutting down creativity, however, I think they could begin to help us start to grapple more concretely and broadly with "the vision thing" in organizing.  

(Note, I know there is working going on in different arenas trying to deal with the "vision" issue. I'd love to hear from readers about some of these that I don't know about.)


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Sweet Charity / Actionpedia (4.00 / 1)
Sweet Charity is one of the most memorable books I've ever read.  I was lucky enough to review it for the Christian Science Monitor.  Poppendieck has a very nuanced sense of the multiple tensions and contradictions involved, not least of which was the way in which "hunger" became an issue because deindustrialization was instinctively seen as insoluble.  But she describes a whole web of such tensions, and a wiki would certainly be appropriate for mapping these, along with everything else an Actionpedia would entail.

One thing I think would be very helpful would be the use of PDFs to capture certain stages in the development of ideas.  An archive of these that would be retrievable through a links/sources section of entries that would continue to evolve over time would provide an ideal mix of keeping the focus on continually improving our capacities, and yet not losing ready access to the history of how our thinking has evolved.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


And Sweet Charity is a good example (4.00 / 1)
of the kind of work that isn't really useful to organizing groups despite, or perhaps because of, its sophistication and power.  

The question of how one translates this kind of analysis into a form usable for people who don't have the time to deal with the richness of a book like this, and who aren't necessarily used to engaging with this kind of material in their daily life is key.  It has to be clear, fairly simple, and yet not turn into the kind of cookie-cutter directions that I complained about earlier.  

I like the idea of maintaining a history of how thinking has changed.

The Study Circles Resource Center has an interesting model, where they present different "stories" of social change to participants that could be helpful (ssrc.org).  The stories are relatively simple, but the fact that they are so divergent  maintains to some extent the understanding that the world is very complicated and efforts to map the future are uncertain.

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
Another Model (0.00 / 0)
I've been to several conferences/retreats where exercises are used to develop organizing strategies that are almost never attempted, much less followed.  The problem is that these exercises involve much too small a slice of the activist community, and the power of the visions developed simply isn't that broadly shared.  Yet, the processes seem--to me at least--to hold a good deal of promise in terms of dealing with at least some of the tensions you are describing.

I can't help but think that the web could help in the development of some offshoot of these processes that would actually be much more directly useful to a broader range of organizers and activists.  

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
There are a couple of issues packed in, here (0.00 / 0)
First, the tendency to come up with relatively isolated "insights" that aren't shared that broadly and that aren't tied into larger efforts to create the kinds of "maps" you mention.  They hold promise, but not as briefly formed ideas, only if they are given the space and time to emerge as broader structures and tools.

Part of the problem is that a great deal of this conversation, to the extent it happens, happens within the larger organizing groups (IAF, Gamaliel) and not in public.  They are trying to "fix" themselves, not the field in general.  I think this is a mistake.

Second, there is my own real disappointment with the state of the discussion about organizing on the Internet as I have seen.  This is part of the reason I've been putting my toe in the water, even though I am not really convinced I am the most  deeply informed person about all of the issues.  There seems to be a tendency to write a better introduction to organizing (although even these seem written for people who already are organizing--the reason I put my own lectures online).  In the books as well, there seems to be this tendency to constantly try to write a better basic "driving" manual, instead of trying to figure out how we might  move into mass transit, or something like that.  We are constantly spending effort restating the basics.  I'm doing some of that here, too, of course, but I'm trying to integrate it into broader critical analysis.  And, also, I think we still need really brief introductions for people who don't know much of anything about organizing.  

I had some hopes for the "movement vision" blog:

http://www.movementvisionlab.org/

but what I've seen (that's good) are either analyses of issues or cases studies of particular efforts.  Both are interesting and useful, but we have plenty of people doing analyses (e.g. here) and the case studies don't really lend themselves to the development of the kind of tools I'm talking about here.  

I have to say, again, however, that I am not really deeply part of the broader conversations going on among people working in these broader organizations (like the Center for Community Change that hosts the Movement Vision Lab) so it's possible there is stuff going on I am unaware of.  I doubt it, but I hope there is.

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
Another group online is (0.00 / 0)
The Grassroots Policy Project:

http://www.grassrootspolicy.org/

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
two things (4.00 / 1)
1. I'm a firm believer that organizing, like writing, is an activity that can be a paid profession (with its concommitant issues in terms of having your politics restricted by funding) and/or a life ethic in which you approach people and constantly try to encourage an ethic of organizing, a belief in organizing, provide some hope in solving what, i am calling before my economics exam, a collective action problem :)  In this vein, an example: I was playing poker online yesterday and was being yelled at for betting badly and using my stack to win hands i ought not to through control of money; dude complained about it in terms of "people who have the money making the rules"; i drew the analogy to the real world; dude agreed; he ends up being a republican-affiliated middle-class american (I guess White) from Michigan who's self-described as struggling to keep family together; i raised marx, the election, points of sympathy, my own frustrations with u.s. politics, and a number of other things, most importantly attempting to convince of the need for collective action exactly at the points when you feel pressed from all sides by life.

Obviously, not an exemplary attempt, but we are facebook friends now and it's that process of collective relationship building over time that constitutes organizing to me.

2. The other thing is that I'm convinced that some aspect of structural change on a deep analysis needs to be built into an organizing agenda, rather than simply issue based work.  If you oppose political repression of diversity viewpoints in the u.s., then it's in your interests to include a plank to support deportation of people on the basis of ideological beliefs even if it's not your main issue - because it ties directly in in the long term historical picture.  Just an example - I'm sure people can think of others.  This helps link issues in a coherent way while at the same time envisioning a future that doesn't revolve in endless circles of local action with little power shifts or democratic/republican coalitions with no structural shift against capital.

My two cents and a half :)


I am not so convinced about the individual change focus (0.00 / 0)
Not that helping individuals change isn't useful, but I don't think individuals lead to structural change without organizations of some kind to work within.  Kind of tangential to your first point, but there it is.

The larger organizing groups have multiple issue committees, so they usually have a range of different "planks" if you will.  The smaller groups tend to focus on "their" issue alone.  

What the larger groups tend not to do is envision how their different issues are linked together.  For example, is it possible that seeking more police protection in one committee may actually harm efforts to work on immigration issues?  Even very basic things like this may not be addressed.

And there is usually no structure to link the smaller and larger groups together so that they can support each other--even in just bringing key issues to the collective--and so these groups don't address potential conflicts in "vision" either.

Of course, you can go too far with the "vision thing."  Privileged professionals love to discuss complex problems without really doing much.  Somehow we need to integrate "vision" with the urgent pragmatic demands of action.  

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
Cutting issues (4.00 / 1)
My thoughts on this aspect of organizing unfortunately are similar to what I think about many aspects of organizing: the ordinary line staff and local leaders all too often simply don't have a broad enough political frame to cut issues in ways that lead to much more than victories in winning "stop signs" (figuratively or literally).

I thought that Obama gave a poignant example of this in Dream when he tried to call a meeting to denounce police treatment of the youth without have solidified  his base and the effort flopped.

When young staff out there in the field are allowed to cut issues, they are badly at sea, usually. So they usually get their issues sent down from above by their network or funders. The latter, in particular, created seriously valuable rewards for adopting their analytical and often tactical frame. Sometimes this is fine: the community gets on board and you get something socially useful. I think "living wage" campaigns worked like this.

Often the higher authorities up the food chain don't have enough sense of the community and the campaign they proscribe fails to catch fire. Or the line staff don't have/aren't allowed the creativity to adapt the broad strategy to appropriate local tactics.

But most sadly, what usually happens somewhere along the line, is that the base staff -- the enthusiasts coming into organizing -- develop some political sophistication and run into obstacles from their networks and/or funders in applying what they've learned. Or at least they begin to think that is what will happen.

So they move on, usually out of organizing. Organizing is hard -- staff have to feel efficacious and respected by others in the arena. Too often they can't find that, just when they begin to "get it."

Can it happen here?


This is interesting (0.00 / 0)
and I wonder if your perspective is informed by being in "sanfran", a hotbed of organizing groups (of multiple kinds).  I don't see these kind of issues emerging in Milwaukee, where there aren't that many organizations and where the staff and organizations at least seem pretty free to do what they want.

Which doesn't mean you aren't right in many cases. I'm not necessarily privy to the internal conversations going on in these organizations.  

To the extent this kind of suppression and top-down control is happening, it's a real problem.  

On the other hand, I've been meaning to write a post about the progressive tendency to over-obsess about democracy, laying out some ideas about when a top-down effort might make sense. I'll be interested in what you think.

What we really need is for the experienced people to get on the line themselves (or get out).  

Thanks again for pointing me to Sweet Charity.  Awesome book

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
Please do forge on ... (4.00 / 1)
Yes -- some of my perspective probably is unique to the Bay. The place exercises a tremendous attraction to young would-be organizers and they just keep on coming. When I've had direct responsibility for trying to spread a campaign statewide, I've literally bribed competent organizers to stay away -- to keep working in places in California that need them more. For the good ones, the attraction of the Bay is finding peers. In most places that need organizing, it is hard for the sharp ones to find folks to lay back with and  isolation burns them out.

But the observations above came as much from thinking about a project I'm currently involved with. We're training organizers in technical skills that can be very useful to them. And we're good enough at it so we've scratched out some regranting money to give them along with the training. But since we think we've got a good model for incorporating more technical sophistication in these groups, that means we dangle the small sum of $$ we have to offer to the groups/people who seem to best conform to our model. Creativity is not rewarded, at least ostensibly. (I like to think that if folks did something genuinely interesting that wasn't on our agenda we'd notice, but it is hard to know.)

None of this is inherently evil, but it does undercut the  ground-up, leadership developing thread in the organizing mythos.

And yet -- you should definitely write the post about obsessing about democracy. Usually, if internal democracy has become the topic, the organization is stymied. On the other hand, most unions are brutally hierarchical in a way that just doesn't fly in the contemporary context -- oh so industrial age...

Can it happen here?


[ Parent ]
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