Democracy Now! [with some emphasis added]:
AMY GOODMAN: We're speaking on a day when there are funerals for two Palestinian teenagers; where Gaza is under siege; where the head of the UN General Assembly, the Nicaraguan Miguel d'Escoto Brockmann, has called for sanctions against Israel for the siege of Gaza, and where he compared South Africa, apartheid South Africa-
BREYTEN BREYTENBACH: Yes.
AMY GOODMAN: to Israel
BREYTEN BREYTENBACH: Yes.
AMY GOODMAN: -and what it's doing in the Occupied Territories. You've warned against, at least in the past, that kind of comparison. Why?
BREYTEN BREYTENBACH: For the simple reason that I think that we owe it to ourselves to see things as they are. If we're going to be effective in our means of opposing injustice-and what is happening in the Occupied Territories is a massive injustice-I think this is probably, I would imagine, probably the most important, although it's not the largest, maybe not the most consequential one in terms of loss of human life, and maybe not even in terms of the danger of regional conflagration, but this is the essential problem that the world has to face, the Palestinian-Israeli problem, the one of the Occupied Territories, the one of state terrorism, you know, the one of the extinction of the Palestinian people, because this is where it's heading. This is literally a disappearance of a people. And I do think that this is the core issue that informs nearly everything else that happens in the Middle East.
I think if you can find some kind of solution there, if you can find a way out there, if you had the moral imagination-and, by the way, I would plead for a one-state solution and not for a two-state solution. I do think that we've seen the means, the moral means of the parties concerned, as has happened elsewhere in the world, as has happened in South Africa, to be able to live together, even if it's a very complicated thing and even if you're going to have to gerrymander all kinds of structures to be able to do so, federal, whatever the case may be. But you have to do that. You cannot have this attrition going on. You cannot have this ongoing warfare with its strain of racism and cruelty and indifference and alienation, etc., including the alienation brought about to the young Israeli people who are involved in that.
I was there. I happened to go there. I was lucky to spend a few days there. And people asked me the question, "Does this remind you of apartheid?" And, of course, it is. The premises are very much the same. You have essentially economic exploitation. Now, this is about stealing. This is about stealing land. This is about stealing means. This is about exploiting people. That's the backdrop to it. And then racism. These are the two essential ingredients that we had in South Africa, as well. And then, to think that you can solve it by segregation and by having, you know, second-class citizens-in other words, some people have less rights than the other people have-these are the ingredients of what apartheid was. So, in that sense, yes, it is.
But I would not-you know, I think it's a shortcut that blunts our potential instruments at understanding the specificity of what's happening, just to call it apartheid, in the same way as I always objected to people saying apartheid was a form of Nazism. Of course, it is in many ways, but, you know, it is trying to piggyback on an easy concept instead of doing the hard work of trying to dig into it and understand and make it clear what are the historical origins of this and in which way is it like that system that you compare it to and in which way is it different from it.
I found that what I saw in the Occupied Territories, in some ways, worse than apartheid. There was an intimacy to the cruelty. There was a proximity, maybe because the territory is so much smaller. There was a kind of a wantonness in the destruction, you know? I saw the Sakakini Cultural Center, for instance, in Ramallah after it had been sacked by Israeli occupation forces, something which I don't think we saw quite in the same way in South Africa.
He then goes on to talk about Israel, international law and the United States. And for me, there is a terrible subtext here. For international law should be the most wonderful instrument. It should be, among other things, the only protection that the Jews ever need. We should be for it 100%. We should not be hiding from it. We are one of the ancient sources for it. It is, quite literally, flesh of our flesh and bone of our bone.
AMY GOODMAN: So what do you think has to be done? I mean, you have the lame-duck prime minister who's been convicted on corruption charges-
BREYTEN BREYTENBACH: Yes.
AMY GOODMAN: now sayingEhud Olmert saying that Israel should pull out of the Occupied Territories. But he is still the prime minister.
BREYTEN BREYTENBACH: Well, of course, he's still the prime minister. But let us see what are the possible levers that could-the United States has never exercised pressure on the Israeli state. And we know that through direct and indirect subventions and forms of financial support, this is what makes it possible for the Israeli military regime to continue doing what it is doing there. I think one should start there. I think that it should be conditional. I really do think it should be conditional.
One should start perhaps with the outer edges, which surely should be possible to do, to dismantle the settlements. This is illegal. By international law, this is illegal. The court in The Hague has declared it illegal. The United Nations has declared this illegal. Surely, it must be possible to do so. And surely, it must be possible to exert enough pressure on the Israeli government, whatever Israeli government there is, to dismantle it. These are their people. This is not something they should condone.
What's happening in Hebron at the moment, you have a few thousand people living in the heart of the city, surrounded by hundreds of thousands or tens of thousands of Palestinian people, and the Israeli army protects these people who are squatting the land of the Palestinians. I mean, this is madness, utter madness.
I think that has to be done, and again, partners have to be found. The progressive forces, and very often these would be forces from within civil society, need to be strengthened. There are wonderful attempts being made. There's a richness of history of people from within Israel, for instance, working across the border, Israeli-Palestinian civil society organizations trying to help people to plant and to harvest and to survive, or something like that, you know, resisting the settlers, resisting the occupation army. These things need to be strengthened. That needs to be understood.
But the essential thing, the essential moment here, I think, in history, is the recognition of the fact that Israel exists thanks to the support of the United States, not the international community as such, but the United States. The United States has, in one particular instance-it really has within its means to make a difference there. And if it were to do that, I think this would be the beginning of a whole new interaction with the Middle East, with the rest of the world. I think, you know, this is taking the sting out of bin Laden immediately, I would imagine. It's very simplistic, what I'm saying, but I do think that's part of it.
Okay. I said I didn't have anything to say. But I obviously lied. So I will say some more, again, here at the end. Breytenbach has reminded me. It is this: he is absolutely right that the answers must come from civil society. As it is here in America, the politicians cannot lead. They will be the last to know.
As he said farther up, toward the beginning, "This is literally a disappearance of a people." That is genocide, pure and simple. How could the Jews not just stand for this, but demand it? I do not believe civil society-of Jews or anyone else-could demand this. But governments very easily can. Because we are still very far from understanding how to make governments be what they should be.
So we must teach them. And the first act of such teaching is, we must remember how to be ourselves. |