Nationalizing the Election in a Bad Year

by: Mike Lux

Tue Nov 09, 2010 at 08:30


One of the most dominant kinds of conventional wisdom among Democrats in a cycle which is moving against them is to not "nationalize the election". The thinking by the political consultants and high level staff people, which can seem very compelling when you are being battered by a rising tide, is that your best path is to run on local issues and/or to attack your opponent on whatever personal or political weaknesses they might possess. I understand the sentiment, and am very sympathetic to candidates who feel alone in a year when the narrative and frame is all running against you. I also fully recognize that a lot of the candidates such as Tom Perriello and Mary Jo Kilroy who courageously defended national Democratic issues and themes did not save themselves from getting swept away.

Having now lived through two massive meltdowns in national Democratic politics, 1994 and this stinker, I have become convinced that while it doesn't always make sense to push the national party brand in each individual district/state in this kind of year, that for the national Democratic party to not run a national campaign and make a full throated defense of the Democratic brand and accomplishments is a big mistake that only helps build the tide against us. I think this race-by-race, no national message strategy helps explain why 1994 and 2010 were such complete blowouts for us, whereas in the good years Democrats have had in the past couple of decades- which include 1990, 1992, 1996, 1998 as well as even the last two cycles before this one- our gains have been relatively modest compared to the butt-whipping we experienced in '94 and this time. Republicans and their conservative allies always defend their small government/low taxes/strong on national security/tradtional values brand and accomplishments. Even when they are critical of their party, their criticism always revolves around stuff like "we drifted from our small government roots"- in fact, they reinforce their brand even while creating some distance from an unpopular national party.  

Mike Lux :: Nationalizing the Election in a Bad Year
Let's look at the campaign the national Republican party and their outside group allies put together this cycle to create this national frame that drove Democrats down:

-they put big money from corporate allies into the Tea Party movement attacking big government and deficits

-they did several hundred million dollars worth of TV, radio, and newspaper ads against the biggest Democratic issue initiatives (the stimulus bill, climate change, health care, and financial reform)

- they worked in tandem with their in-house Republican cable channel, Fox News, and with conservative radio hosts to keep banging on their Obama's-socialist-agenda message, and to daily influence the traditional media's reporting of the narrative

-virtually all of their candidates, and the well coordinated outside groups funded with big business all echoed the same messages in their advertising and mail campaigns.

In response, because Democrats decided to avoid a national message or attempt at narrative, there was virtually nothing to explain what Democrats had done and what the values behind what they had done were. Polling showed voters thought of this as a do-nothing Congress in spite of passing the biggest jobs bill in history, a comprehensive health care bill with a lot of very popular provisions in it, a major new initiative to help millions of college students with their student loans, a bill to require regulation of tobacco for the first time, a bill to require equal pay for equal pay for equal work for women, major new initiatives to help veterans and small business, tax cuts for 95% of Americans and most businesses, and a bill to start regulating Wall St in several really significant ways. How is that possible? Because Democrats didn't want to take credit for what they did: it would "nationalize" the elections.

Meanwhile, Democratic candidates were being brutalized over a health care bill with lots of popular things in it that no one was trying to defend (because it would nationalize the election), and over the stimulus bill that did actually do popular things like cut most people's taxes and create millions of new jobs (because- say it with me, now- it would nationalize the election). When ads were run on the bailout, there was no national push back to explain that the bailout was Bush's idea, or what Democrats had done to take on Wall St. And the deficit everyone was screaming about was mostly due to George W Bush, but no one wanted to say that because it would nationalize... well, you get the picture. With little offense or defense being played on national issues, what started out as a tough election became a bigger and bigger tide.

You know what the best evidence for my argument is? In the most competitive statewide races, Gov and Senate, where there was the most money and a lot of media attention, we held our own. But in the downballot races- House races, state legislative, state constitutional offices- we got swamped by the national tide. Even in Senate races that had been thought to be more competitive early, places like MO and LA and NC, but where national Dems had to pull out their money down the stretch, the national tide turned close to races into landslides. If trying to make each race local means not promoting or defending your national brand, the blowout becomes brutal.

Remember that list of good Democratic years I mentioned at the beginning of this piece? Think about it this way: in 6 of the 11 elections over the last 20 years, Democrats have done quite well, better than the Republicans in significant ways. Once was essentially a tie, 2000. Another two were pretty even, but the Republicans had a small edge. In the 3 of the 5 Presidential elections in that same time period, Democrats have won the Presidency by over 5 percentage points, with an electoral landslide each time. In the two years where the Republicans won the Presidency, one was 2000 where Gore won the popular vote but had Florida taken away from him, while the other was close enough that exit polls called it for Kerry, and it came down again to one close state. That's a pretty good electoral track record overall, and clearly shows that most of the time Democrats are very competitive with Republicans nationally. But even in our best years, we have never had the utter blowouts the Republicans have enjoyed twice. Our best year for House pick-ups, 2006, came after Katrina, the worst years of the Iraq war, Terri Schaivo, and Bush's disastrous attempt to privatize Social Security- and we still got less than half the House pick-ups the Republicans did in their tidal wave this year. I am more and more convinced that it is because the Republicans never back down from their basic brand, they do still run a national election even in the bad years. Democrats really need to spend some serious time rethinking how they operate in the down cycles, and how they can promote and defend their brand every single election.  


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you call it 'national' (0.00 / 0)
I call it 'emotional' - Remember how all these 'pundits' pointed to the lower numbers of younger voters and then -(somehow connected) - this strange fight started if it was 'the big disappointment of the 'left-left' (younger voters)- or not - And if just one of these pundits would have taken the time to come to the rally for sanity -(or talk to younger voters) - but not in his usual 'political' way - he would have found out that the 'enthusiasm gap' just means what it says: The lack of ENTHUSIASM for some Dems in a very emotional way. That's why governor moonbeam ultimately made it -(because he is kind of a 'cool' old dude) - and besides him there hardly was any Dem Obama -(the Obama of 2008) - in sight!
(and I know it's getting kind of old - but I only stress this point - again - because it never seems to get it's fair share in all your 'strategizing'!)



A Strange Definition of Competence (4.00 / 6)
Any marketer at a Fortune 1000 company, probably even marketers at smaller companies, knows what you point out.  It's Marketing 101 to leverage your positives as broadly as possible, even turning negatives to positives when you can, while minimizing and/or hiding your negatives. It's not only more efficient in terms of effort, but it also reinforces your messages to broadcast as widely as possible.

The fact political handlers on the Democratic side don't know this basic aspect of marketing is damning. Perhaps some or most of these handlers should be retired and replaced with more knowledgeable and experienced people.


You're right. (4.00 / 2)
The effective media outlets that every national politician today uses are largely national. That has been becoming more and more true since Nixon lost the 1960 Presidential election in part because he failed to anticipate the the power of a poor response to his performance in a national debate.

The counter to the national media has been local media, largely big city newspapers and local TV, financed by local donations that come from local power brokers. The Republicans were countering that with a national brand by 1980. I'm not sure what the centralization of radio stations has done, but that cannot be without significant effect. But the big change is sources of funds.

This year look at what outside the district/state money did for the teabaggers. It created the Joe Miller nomination, for example. Last minute out of district funding was significant. It's going to be more so next election.

Then there is the competition between the Democratic Brand and the Republican Brand. There hasn't been any competition because the Democrats refused to present a national brand. That's what district-by-district competition means. It means avoiding the effort to create a national brand that local candidates can plug into. It means that each candidate has to create his or her own local brand. That is both expensive and time-consuming.

It also fails to deal with the national Democratic Brand that is already being created for us by the Republicans. That makes the problem of lack of controlled Democratic national Brand even greater. Election consultants seem to have a major hand in this decision.

Unfortunately, running with the national Democratic Brand is not one of the skills that Democratic consultants offer for sale. Instead they sell the experience they currently have of tailoring each race to its own district. So they are avoiding the issue, and they win often enough so that they are not yet being replaced by consultants who understand how to deal with creating and running with a national Democratic Brand. But the funding appears to be available, so they damned sure ought to get on the stick. Otherwise the ranks of Democratic election consultants will in a very short time be filled by a bunch of new names - if the candidates make their own decisions and don't farm that out to the consultants also.

What I think we have is consultants selling the skills they have rather than the ones the Democratic candidates need. but as you say, the skills the Democrats need are taught in Marketing 101.  


[ Parent ]
I agree, But.... (4.00 / 6)
In my opinion, you identified two separate problems and treated them as one.  I agree with what you wrote about the importance of always nationalizing the election.  However, I think you also identified the need to support the Democratic brand.  These issues overlap, but are somewhat different.  

For example, I think most Democrats in 2006 and 2008 ran "national campaigns" in the sense they campaigned against Republican mis-rule.  However, as a party, in both elections we did not run on the basis that our governing philosphy was better then theirs.  In other words, we never tried to link the horrible national conditions we found in 2006 and 2008 with the Republican governing philosphy, nor did we tie our solutions into our philosphy.  We not only run away from our brand in bad years, we Democrats have a great reluctance to run on our brand in good years too.


Hegemony, Again (4.00 / 6)
National messaging, of course, is yet another manifestation of projecting a hegemonic narrative.

No wonder Democrats don't believe in it.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


Change for the worse (4.00 / 5)
Mike mentions that even in good years, a national message was missing.  That hasn't always been the case.  In 1974, Democrats ran hard on Watergate and picked up 49 seats going from 242 to 291.  The "Watergate babies were the last to profit from a national election.

In 1958, another Eisenhower recession hit.  The economy particularly hit blue collar workers.  Again, Democrats won 49 House seats going from 234 to 283 seats and really cleaned up in the Senate.  National election.

In 1948, Harry Truman made the "Do Nothing Congress" his legendary punching bag.  Voters agreed with Democrats picking up 75 seats going from 188 to 263.  National election.

In 1932 Democrats went from 216 seats (in 1930) to 313 seats a gain of a whopping 97 seats.  Hoover and the Depression and a very national election.

1930 was the first hit after the stock market crash.  Democrats went from 164 to 216 seats (+52).  Yup, a national election.

I don't know about other big gainers but somewhere Democrats stopped doing what worked and started making elections "local' (beyond the Tip O'Neill maxim).  I suspect the Blue Dogs and their friends play a large role in this.  They are scared of the brand.  Water down the policies and screw things up for both the Democratic party and the nation.  Good riddance to bad rubbish.


Good riddance - (0.00 / 0)
a 'local' election makes a LOT of sense if you have a strong 'local' candidate -(like Brown) - If you don't - you might turn to a 'national message' - but only if you got a 'strong' message there too!


[ Parent ]
The Blue Dogs are a symptom of the real problem (4.00 / 5)
Everyone reading this blog needs to read Winner-Take-All Politics by Jacob Hacker.  This gives an astonishingly good (albeit depressing) description of what we are up against.  It is indeed, as Paul never tires of repeating, a matter of hegemony.  The Republicans have it, we don't.  They have consciously pursued it, and we barely understand it.

Yes, Blue Dogs are an intensely stupid phenomenon, but it is Republican hegemony that makes them so.  Did you happen to catch the interview with Elijah Cummings and Jason Altmire on Hardball last night.  The trouble is that Cummings felt forced to listen to the bullshit that Altmire spewed, disagreeing politely but not providing the smackdown Altmire so richly deserved.  Republicans can afford to purge their RINOs, our side doesn't feel (rightly or wrongly) an ability to purge its DINOs.  

One might also read the ever-clueless Matt Bai in today's New York Times.  If I hear one more time about the "liberal/conservative" self-identification poll I may go ballistic.

Another good thing about the Hacker book is that it helped  me finally understand the Emanuel-Dean dispute better (much better than Bai understands it).  I had been puzzled - why the feud, when both were pushing expansion into previously uncontested Red States?  Why was this fight so intense?  Emanuel based his criteria on a candidate's ability to self-fundraise.  This led to a bunch of wins by corporate-friendly DINOs, always ready to knife their party.  Dean's approach was more about having the DNC help turn out Democratic VOTES, not Democratic MONEY.  Yes,  it didn't always work out, but Emanuel's method was guaranteed not to work in a pinch - which was inevitable, given the - there's that word again - HEGEMONY.

We can agitate for more boldness, and we should have it, but it's not clear that it will work either.  Grayson tried it and got crushed.  There are many reasons for this, and I mean no criticism of Grayson, who I contributed to, but I don't think we can say that boldness in and of itself is any magic bullet.  It's necessary, but not sufficient.

Sadly, sticking with Pelosi is about the boldest move it is possible to imagine the Democrats making under these circumstances, and at this point I will judge Democrats by how ably they defend it.  This move must be defended, and defended with skill and passion, and throwing it back in the critics' faces - the best defense is a good offense.

sTiVo's rule: Just because YOU "wouldn't put it past 'em" doesn't prove that THEY did it.


[ Parent ]
Good analysis (4.00 / 3)
And the comment go to the heart of a basic problem: the lack of a coherent communications strategy. The Dems did nothing in the summer of 2009 when the conservative maniacs began to shriek about death panels. That's when the election of 2010 began to be nationalized, and the failure to counter lies in 2009 was one more electoral handicap, one that Dems didn't have to burden themselves with.

Too often, Democratic activists and voters believe that a good and eloquent Dem. president will decisively shift the national dialogue in our direction. But the Republicans don't rely on their presidents alone- they have Fox News and talk radio to share the burden.

So why is there no commincations infrastructure to combat the influence of conservative talk radio? Weren't wealthy Dems like Andy Rappaport building a "Vast Left Wing Conspiracy"? Where is it?

And to go off Andy Katz's comment, the job of communicating and consensus building really falls on the party as a whole. From 2007 through 2009, congressional Dems made little effort to justify the kinds of policies and job-creating programs that would have helped us get out of the the recession.

Add that to Obama's inexcusable silence in the face of attacks and lies and his willingness to make compromises before negotiating and you have a the recipe for a disaster.


and for screwing up the messaging - (0.00 / 0)
I have to repost what another poster put a few days ago on the 'sanity' threat -(you might have overlooked it!)

"Here's what the rally was: It was billed as a rally for "the silent middle". Who did that silent middle turn out to be? Mostly left wingers.  In numbers that blew away Tea Party rallies... The contrast with the fear and hate mongering at the Tea Party rallies couldn't have been greater. Stewart handed the left and the democrats a perfect chance to re-cast the debate. Instead of left vs right, it could be sane vs insane. Instead of big government vs small government, it's adults vs children. The rational vs the fearful.
Instead of grabbing hold of that message and running with it, the left decided to get offended because the perceived that Stewart said they were as bad as Fox. They did the circular firing squad thing, which the left always does. It's frustrating!"


[ Parent ]
Messagin 101 (0.00 / 0)
Like the above commenter said, it's about time for a lot of democratic consultants to be retired.

Even your buddy, Bill Kristol, could tell you that.


Emotional vs. Rational? (0.00 / 0)
I'm not sure messaging akin to the GOP's Our-Party-Do-Or-Die thing would work for Dems, because our support is based to a large extent on the effectiveness of the policies we're advocating. I mean, last week in VA both Tom Perriello and Glenn Nye lost House races, one with a "nationalized" campaign (Perriello), the other not. Perriello's district seems to have reverted back to its GOP leanings (it went for McCain in 2008), while Nye distanced himself from the President in a Dem-leaning district and got shown the door, too. The President's lapses are responsible for both outcomes, but I think GOP-ers were energized by emotion (they usually are, because if you deconstruct the policies, they suck), while Dem voters were disheartened by the quantifiable holes in the President's agenda.

"This ain't for the underground. This here is for the sun." -Saul Williams

Everyone is motivated by emotion (4.00 / 2)
every policy has a moral underpinning. Democratic candidates downplay those things to their detriment

[ Parent ]
Yeah - (0.00 / 0)
let's tell Mike to put up a WTF-has-the-Dems-done-for-us-lately-site!
(if three 'kids' can do it for Obama and get 4 Mill hits in no-time - Mike must be able to do it!)

[ Parent ]
I agree… (0.00 / 0)
...which is why I wrote "...Dem voters were disheartened by..."

I could be wrong (or maybe there's a better way to put it), but I think a bit more enters into our base's decision-making process. And I actually don't want that downplayed at all.

"This ain't for the underground. This here is for the sun." -Saul Williams


[ Parent ]
See Sara Robinson (0.00 / 0)
Building the Progressive Brand
http://www.cognitivepolicywork...
October 11, 2010

There's never been a well-designed, sustained, overarching campaign to define who we are, what we believe, or why Americans should trust us.

we simply don't have the donor infrastructure to sustain the kind of consistent, long-term investment this would take. Ten million dollars a year over ten years could change the entire cultural landscape of America, completely rewriting the popular narratives in our favor. (And the change would come astonishingly fast: with world-class pros in charge, we'd probably start seeing the first positive results within twelve to 18 months.) But progressive donors are famous for their short attention spans. Finding funders who would be willing to commit to a ten-year, multi-pronged campaign may well prove to be impossible.






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