A book worth a look: The Trouble With Billionaires

by: Paul Rosenberg

Mon Nov 15, 2010 at 18:00


The Institute for Policy Studies was the earliest leftist think tank, and it's still going strong. One of things it does is publish the weekly newsletter on inequality issues, Too Much.  This week's issue featured a review of what sounds like a really interesting new book, The Trouble with Billionaires (Facebook page here.).   Here's a good chunk of what "Too Much" had to say about it:

The Super Rich: A Delicious Skewering
Linda McQuaig and Neil Brooks. The Trouble with Billionaires. Viking Canada, 2010. 272 pp.
Linda McQuaig writes punchy prose as an op-ed columnist at the Toronto Star. Neil Brooks teaches about taxes at a top Canadian law school. They make a great pair. Together they've just penned what may be the most entertaining treatment yet of our super rich - and their devastating impact upon us.

The Trouble with Billionaires does, to be sure, cover a good bit of ground that other authors have already plowed. But these other authors have seldom plowed with anything close to the zest and wit we see in these pages.

Other analysts, for instance, have explored how political and economic power frame the "free" market and enrich a fortunate few at the expense of the great many.

McQuaig and Brooks do this exploring, too - by explaining why mega-millionaire British actor Michael Caine, who has threatened to exit Britain if its tax rate on the rich rose a single point, would never have become rich in the first place if he had plied his acting trade in our world's "only true free market," the "adult" film industry.

And what about incentives? To get top "performance" from our most talented, must we offer massive rewards as motivation? McQuaig and Brooks start discussing this core question by comparing baseball statistics. Alex Rodriguez, they note, took home $27.7 million in 2008, over 30 times the top pay, after inflation, that ever went to Hank Aaron, a performer every bit as productive.

In The Trouble with Billionaires, McQuaig and Brooks both take us back in history, to the political decisions that helped birth our billionaires, and move us forward into the cutting-edge research on the clear and present dangers concentrated wealth poses. Along the way, they take on - and blow away - the various spins we get on wealth creation from the flacks for the awesomely affluent....

This did sound more interesting and inventive than most writing about inequality, so I cranked up the old Google, and the first thing I noticed was the this excerpt from the Toronto Star:

Paul Rosenberg :: A book worth a look: The Trouble With Billionaires


On the campus of the University of Toronto, buildings bear the names of some notable Canadians: among them, literary giant Northrop Frye, public health pioneer John FitzGerald, inventor Sir Sandford Fleming, who introduced the concept of standard time. But the buildings named in honour of important intellectual figures typically date back more than three decades. In more recent years, campus buildings have been named almost exclusively after those whose distinguishing characteristic is the possession of lots of money.

There's a reason for this. As universities have lost government funding in recent years, they've turned more and more to private donors.

Universities are now heavily in the business of fundraising, devoting huge effort to wooing wealthy alumni. And the effort has paid off. In the past five years, U of T has collected an average of $120 million a year from benefactors.

In exchange for money, donors get their names on plaques, or auditoriums, or even whole buildings if they donate enough. The result is that affluent businessmen are honoured and commemorated throughout the university. Particularly prominent at U of T for instance are merchant banker Joseph Rotman, pharmaceutical entrepreneur Leslie Dan and businessman Peter Munk, chairman of Barrick Gold, the world's largest gold mining company.

But if the university has become a showcase for the wealthy, there's apparently no room at the university to honour someone who is the closest thing we have in this country to a genuine hero.

A group of U of T professors found this out when they approached the university in 2007 with the idea of naming the Health Studies Program after Tommy Douglas, considered the father of Canada's public health care system. In 2004, Douglas was selected the Greatest Canadian of all time, following a nationwide contest organized by CBC-TV in which more than 1.2 million votes were cast over a six-week period. (Runners-up were Terry Fox and Pierre Trudeau.)

But, other than apparently being the most respected Canadian ever, what does Tommy Douglas have to offer the University of Toronto? Apparently not enough to justify getting a program named after him.

The cultural insult here is bad enough. But it's indicative of much more, the authors note:

Paul Hamel, a biologist in the U of T Faculty of Medicine and one of the professors pushing for the Tommy Douglas program, says that the university simply wasn't interested in the idea, seeing little potential in it for fundraising.

Hamel criticizes the university for adopting this attitude, which he sees as a function of the growing power exerted by its fundraising arm. "As a result, the priorities of the university have been skewed towards areas that interest the elites," says Hamel, "rather than towards the priorities of faculty, staff and students who are engaged in critical analysis, research and teaching."

This seems certain to undermine the role of universities and colleges as places of critical thought, where the prevailing policies and dogmas - championed by those wealthy business interests - are carefully scrutinized and debated.

But where the excerpt really kicks into high gear is when it examines one particular example,  Peter Munk's donation of  $35 million to establish a school of global studies. There is, it turns out, far less to this than meets the eye.  First off, that $35 million merits a whopping tax deduction, so it only cost Munk about $19 million, with $16 million kicked in by taxpayers.  What's more, they note, "[I]f Munk made his donation in the form of shares in publicly traded companies - as most donors do - then his tax savings will be considerably larger (possibly by millions of dollars) and his personal contribution far smaller than $19 million."  Then another minor detail: The Ontario and federal governments are also contributing $25 million each, making the total taxpayer contribution at least $66 million.  And, of course, not only will it be housed in a century-old building, but it's ongoing costs will also be underwritten by taxpayers as well, bringing Munk's share of the total cost "well below 20 per cent," they note.  As a result, they dryly observe, "It would seem more accurate, then, to call it the Canadian Taxpayers School of Global Affairs, with Some Help from Peter Munk."

Oh, and just one more thing:  The money is paid out over a period of time, with mechanisms spelled out that clearly provide means for Munk to influence the content of what is taught there. And in case there were any question about what this influence might be, there's also a provision "that the school will also house the Canadian International Council - a right-leaning think-tank that has been pushing to replace Canada's earlier role as a leading UN peacekeeping nation with a more prominent role in U.S.-led war efforts."

This example is probably more pernicious than most. Probably. But some degree of distorting the public purpose of public education is virtually inevitable.  And so the authors note:

This aspect of philanthropy is rarely mentioned in the public feting of wealthy benefactors. On the contrary, the role of philanthropy in funding universities - as well as hospitals, museums, art galleries, concert halls and opera houses - is typically advanced as one of the reasons we shouldn't be concerned by the rise of billionaires. After all, we're told, our public institutions need money, following the cutbacks of the 1990s.

Of course, the problem is circular. If governments hadn't cut tax levels so deeply - particularly for those at the upper end - there would be sufficient revenue to sustain our public institutions, as there was in the early postwar years.

All in all, The Trouble With Billionaires sounds well worth looking into.  Much more than a litany of those troubles, it seems aimed at opening our eyes to new ways of seeing the usually hidden influences that make our world much less than it should be as a result of appropriating so much into the hands of so few.


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I'm now convinced that like most of his fellow Dems, Obama was the preferred candidate (4.00 / 1)
of "new economy" special interests and billionaires, in high-tech, finance, drugs, etc. (as opposed to "old economy" ones in oil, defense, agribiz, etc., who promoted McCain and tend to support GOP candidates), promoted by them to help advance their interests as the country migrated from the old to the new economy. What we're seeing in modern elections is a battle between old and new economy giants, through their preferred proxies in the Repub and Dem parties. There's hedging and overlap, of course, but that's the general breakdown, I think. So it's no surprise that Obama's come through for his new economy owners buddies.

"Those who stand for nothing fall for anything...Mankind are forever destined to be the dupes of bold & cunning imposture" -- Alexander Hamilton

Let's separate wall street from the new economy (0.00 / 0)
please.  They don 't innovate or create things other than speculation bubbles.  Obama has dissappointed new economy types too, by doing nothing what so ever to really encourage alternative energy and transportation.

My blog  

[ Parent ]
Depends on what you mean by new economy (4.00 / 1)
as it applies to finance. "Old economy" finance is traditional retail, commercial and investment banks and trading firms that mainly use other peoples' money to do things that these other people want to be done with their money, e.g. deposits, business loans, investments, non-speculative trading, etc.--the sort of finance that's been going on for centuries, that's mostly productive (or at least meant to be so), i.e. the boring kind that used to dominate finance before the mid-80's when Gordon Gekko types took over.

"New economy" finance is the sort of program trading, derivatives-based, quant-inspired, non-productive and highly speculative type that's done with these firms' own money, or with OPM but without being honest about what's being done with their money and the risks involved, not in order to maintain and grow the economy, but to make money parasitically, in a zero-sum manner (as opposed to in a make the pie bigger sort of way).

The old school finance types are likely to support Repubs. New finance types are likely to support neolib Dems (but also Repubs, to hedge their bets). What we need is a return to an emphasis on old school finance, updated to benefit and applied to new economy industries like green energy and HSR. I.e. new economy methods applied to old economy finance principles. We need less parasitic speculative financial activity, and more of the kind that will grow the economy, especially in the directions it needs to take.

We need a mix of the best of the old and the new, and to throw out the worst of both.

"Those who stand for nothing fall for anything...Mankind are forever destined to be the dupes of bold & cunning imposture" -- Alexander Hamilton


[ Parent ]
Haven't we seen this play before? (0.00 / 0)
If you look at campaign donations, I think you have to conclude that Obama was always Plan B. If the Michele Bachmanns of the New World Order succeed in permanently muddying Republican waters, then the Democrats will probably become Plan A again, but not necessarily with Obama at their head.

Mike Lux needs to find a new gig.



[ Parent ]
I think that Dems were Plan A in '08 (0.00 / 0)
And that initially Clinton was their first pick, and Obama the backup plan. They knew that it wasn't the GOP's year and in any case none of their contenders was up to the task of representing their interests properly. When Clinton stumbled and Obama surged, they went with him as their first pick and never looked back. In '12, they might go back to the GOP if his usefulness to them is basically over.

And populists on boths sides will be left holding the bag, as usual.

"Those who stand for nothing fall for anything...Mankind are forever destined to be the dupes of bold & cunning imposture" -- Alexander Hamilton


[ Parent ]
The price of everything... (4.00 / 1)
...and the value of nothing. They'll pay, alright, and the price will be far beyond the wildest imaginings of their accountants. Olympian pretensions, Ozymandian consequences -- you'd think at some point they'd learn.

You'd think....


Munk (4.00 / 2)
Also organized a series of debates on public policy questions.  I attened two but quit when I realized the theme was to give equal voice to ridiculous right wing nonsense.  The Climate Change debate featured Canadian Green Party leader Elizabeth May and UK columnist George Monbiot for sanity, and Lord Monckton and Bjorn Lomberg for denialism.  That Monckton is a straight out denialist and Lomberg claims to believe in anthropogenic climate change, just that it shouldn't be a big priority to stop it, shows the disingenuity of both being willing to appear on the same side.  

Then they gave Dead Aid's Dambisa Moyo a chance to persuade the generally wealthy crowd of Toronto elites that helping Africa was pointless and they'd better just let them eat bootstraps.  I did get to meet Stephen Lewis which was kind of nice, but in both debates the set up was to allow right wing lunacy gain a foot hold in Canada.  The line up has included some real stinkers, from Bolton, to Krauthammer, to Bill Frist.  It's pretty insidious.  At least the heath care one didn't work out in their favour.



Universities (4.00 / 2)
All 3 Toronto universities (as distinct from colleges which in Canada are equivalent to community/trade colleges) have business schools named after wealthy Canadian businessmen.  Big money has clearly decided to teach the left a lesson in how to run a real indoctrination program out of higher education.  MBA schools are the gateway to most upper management gigs, and if they fill your head with neoliberal claptrap the result is predictable.






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