Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing: Endowments as One Strategy

by: educationaction

Fri Mar 14, 2008 at 17:35


(A follow-up to a diary I promoted earlier in the week. Important as national electoral politics undoubtedly is, building a healthy activist infrastructure at the local and regional level, one that functions more in tune with the rhythms of everyday community life, is vitally important as well. - promoted by Paul Rosenberg)

It seems obvious that we need to fundamentally change the funding model for community organizing. But how?

This is a follow-up to the "Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing in Urban America" diary I posted a few days ago.  

I argue that a different approach to funding, the creation of permanent endowments, might be part of the solution to the perennial problem of sustaining organizing over the long term.  I speculate that a minimum of around a $10 million permanent endowment in a small city might be enough to fundamentally change the ecology of organizing there.  (I actually posted this in the comments, but it seems useful to put it here as well).

See the full "Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing" series here.

educationaction :: Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing: Endowments as One Strategy
Social action is the one social function that cannot be funded by the government.  And while there are always exceptions, impoverished people will probably never be able to raise enough $$ by themselves to support their own organizing institutions over the long term.  This means that organizing groups inevitably end up looking for foundation dollars.  They spend far too much time writing grants and reports, have to bend with the winds of funder preferences and interests, and are always looking for the next buck, since grants are almost alway time-delimited or seed-funding.

It seems obvious that we need to fundamentally change the funding model for community organizing. But how?

Here I want to talk about what are called "permanent endowments." Permanent endowments are large chunks of money that are placed permanently in a fund out of which only a portion of the interest is spent every year. Such endowments provide a guaranteed level of operating funding for those organizations that have them.  These could essentially provide a replacement for long-term government support.

Who usually has endowments? Looking across the web, you find the usual suspects: universities, private schools, churches, and museums. But there are a range of other groups that can have foundations, including professional organizations, recreational and other natural areas. I found a ballet group, a music festival, home for pregnant teens, a counseling center, and more.

What brings all these groups together is a sense that their existence and functions are permanent.

This, of course, raises some difficult questions when one comes to organizing. How can one assume that one organizing group or method is going to be the most effective over time? How does one decide "which" organizing group to fund, and how does one prevent an endowment from actually destroying the kind of creativity, flexibility, and radical challenge that organizing may require in order to stay "healthy".

To cite an old example, many have argued that the reason that Martin Luther King and other new organizing groups were able to emerge in the South during the civil rights movement was ironically because many Southern states had banned the NAACP. This seems to have opened up space for new thinking and new organizations, and removed the suppression of risky action that the NAACP seems to have been perpetuating to some extent. More contemporaneously, I think it is accurate to say that despite their undeniable insights and strengths, a certain level of uncritical dogmatism and self-congratulatory thinking among the neo-Alinsky organizing groups that currently dominate the organizing "scene" may have hurt the emergence of new approaches.

But one would not need to fund individual organizing groups in order to relieve them from some of the burdens of fundraising and the potentially destructive force of current "fads" and program mandates from distant funding organizations.

Instead one could fund a local institution designed specifically to support organizing groups-old ones and new ones. By being based in a building that it owned, this group could provide basics like office space, copy machines, phones, technology and tech support. It could have a grants officer on staff to help organizations target their appeals and reduce the burden of fundraising. It could provide multi-year internships (with benefits) to allow individual organizing groups to bring community members in and train them in organizing. It could provide child care and meals and have a van and money to pay drivers to pick people up and get them to meetings. It could provide small reimbursements to participants to make it at least a "neutral" cost for them to go to a meeting. It could have a shared receptionist, and be open from early in the morning to late at night. It could have a board of directors drawn from a wide range of local progressive organizing groups and a carefully drawn mandate that ensured that it was able to "boot" dying organizations and bring in promising new ones. And it would have a constitution designed to ensure it remained true to a broad set of progressive commitments.

Such an endowed umbrella organization would ensure, just like with museums, universities, and beloved parks, that organizing is here to stay, especially in small cities like Milwaukee, where organizing has long been on "life support." Through its board, it would force local organizing groups to work together to some extent, despite whatever disagreements they might have. If the building was big enough, it might allow the emergence of some more creative experimental relationships between organizing and service groups which I am increasingly convinced are crucial. In fact, simply because it would (I think of necessity) provide child care and meals and small reimbursements to participants, it would already be involved in a kind of "service" that would make participation as much a reality for people struggling on the margins as for professionals and other middle class folks like myself.

Where would the money come from? Well, of course, I don't know. But if it had a building and an institutional name, it might be appealing to some funder that usually gives out program grants that do not leave any permanent legacy in the community. I could imagine some rich progressive person who would love to have their name permanently on a building or permanently on the name of an institution whose job was to stick a thumb in the eye of privileged oppressors permanently.

How much money would it require? Well, after glancing around the Internet, it seems like a round number like 4% is about what you can expect to spend every year from an endowment while still maintaining it over time given inflation. So let's go with that as a rule of thumb (see this for those who are interested). And let's assume you need, say, 2 million dollars for a building (including renovation) in a not necessarily high-priced part of town. So then if you have an operating budget of $250,000 (which isn't a lot if you have a few employees), you need an endowment of around 6 or 7 million dollars. Or a total of 8-10 million dollars.  That really seems like a minimum, since it barely provides for the kind of staff you would need to really create an effective incubator and recruitment hub.  But once you have an endowment like this, you can add to it.

This may seem like a lot of money to most of you (or me) but there are plenty of folks out there in our increasingly income unequal society for whom this isn't really that much.

Carnegie made his name forever by creating libraries across the United States (and beyond). What if some funder decided to stop trying to fund an endless series of cool sounding projects, and instead said, "I want to provide a permanent base for organizing in a collection of cities in America."

The specifics of how something like this would work (its governance structure, especially) would have to be worked out uniquely in every unique context.  And it would be a risk.  But a risk worth taking, I think.  


Tags: , , , , , (All Tags)
Print Friendly View Send As Email
Good picture (4.00 / 1)
I think the general idea is right, especially this paragraph.
By being based in a building that it owned, this group could provide basics like office space, copy machines, phones, technology and tech support. It could have a grants officer on staff to help organizations target their appeals and reduce the burden of fundraising. It could provide multi-year internships (with benefits) to allow individual organizing groups to bring community members in and train them in organizing. It could provide child care and meals and have a van and money to pay drivers to pick people up and get them to meetings. It could provide small reimbursements to participants to make it at least a "neutral" cost for them to go to a meeting. It could have a shared receptionist, and be open from early in the morning to late at night. It could have a board of directors drawn from a wide range of local progressive organizing groups and a carefully drawn mandate that ensured that it was able to "boot" dying organizations and bring in promising new ones.

That reads to me like something that could be created. I've seen organizations get as far as getting the building -- then good intentions to flexibly support and foster organizing got run over by economic necessity. They needed that endowment. See for example the this San Francisco project.

Currently in Pasadena the fantastically financially well-endowed All Saints Episcopal Church is putting up such a building to be a community organizing incubator as part of its huge capital campaign. They can raise the money. Will the community really get the benefit? Will the community get enough control so the resulting incubations matter? Remains to be seen.  

Can it happen here?


I know of at least two similar examples (0.00 / 0)
Thanks for the information.  Yes, I think governance is an absolutely key question.  We are in relatively uncharted territory, here.  But, yes, the endowment is key.

Other similar projects have raised much more than ten million bucks.  The Milwaukee Youth Arts Center, for example, plays a similar role with respect to arts, here.  This really isn't a lot of money in the larger scheme of things.

I'd love to know more about the efforts in Pasadena and San Francisco.  Of course, there is a lot more going on, organizing wise, in California than in Wisconsin.

Here in milwaukee there is the Milwaukee Environmental Consortium: http://www.milwaukeeenvironmen...

And in Boston there is the new nonprofit center building: http://www.nonprofitcenterbost...

I don't actually know a lot about them.  

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
The Model Is Different, Because LA's Size Is Different (4.00 / 1)
But the Liberty Hill Foundation has played a crucial role in transforming Los Angeles into a much more progressive metropolis than it used to be.  Its motto is "change, not charity," and it's defintely informed with strategic intent, that ranges from funding fledgeling organizations that no one else will support to playing a role in forging strategic coalitions for major organizing efforts and everything in between.

It's grown tremendously over the years, and helped a lot of significant organizations get their start.  Current board members include Karen Bass, the new Speaker of the California State Assembly and Richard Jacobs of the Courage Campaign, while advisory board members include everyone from Hollywood progressives like Ted Danson, Mike Farrell,  Haskell Wexler, Bonnie Raitt and Alfrie Woodard, to prominent religious leaders, and major political figures, including LA Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa.  But it wasn't these names that made it what it is, it was the other way around--which means that what it's accomplished can be accomplished elsewhere as well.

You can read about it's mission here, it's history here, and just poke around from there.  There are certainly lessons to be learned from its example, though obviously it comes out of a very different social matrix than that of a mid-sized city.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


Thanks (0.00 / 0)
I haven't actually done a lot of work looking around at good examples of this project, partly, I think, because I personally have little contact with anyone who could make this happen, so it seems more like a dream than a real possibility.  Thanks for this example.

A city like Milwaukee would be a better test case, I think, since, for better or worse, LA is one of the hotbeds of organizing in the US.

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
Interesting Idea (4.00 / 1)
Another model to look at would be the Peace Pentagon, 339 Lafayette in New York City, owned by the A.J. Muste Foundation and housing peace and social justice groups like the War Resisters League.

One concern I have about this idea: permanent resources make organizations ripe targets for takeover by other unscrupulous organizations. In this case, it might be wacko leftist groups who want to "radicalize" the organizing or conservative groups that want to "professionalize" (de-fang) the organizing. If you think spending a lot of time writing grant proposals to fickle mainstream foundations is a drag, just wait until you spend all your time trying to fend off a takeover attempt by "friends." A strong constitution with clear goals and methods can provide some deterrence, but only a vibrant organization with a strong backup movement can ensure that the organization isn't led astray or taken over.

Some other ideas that are less susceptible to this danger:

(1) Federal government-sponsored universal healthcare, improved Social Security benefits, free childcare, and free college tuition would greatly reduce the expense of hiring organizers and make their lives a lot easier. These are programs we want anyway, but if we could actually win these on a national level, it would make continued progressive organizing at the local level a whole lot easier.

(2) Subsidized educational materials and training from a group like the National Organizers Alliance,  the Midwest Academy, or the Center for Third World Organizing (CTWO) would reduce the cost of hiring and training new organizers. If these national organizations had additional resources and a mandate to train local organizers, they could help foster and support local organizing groups.


Thanks for the Example (0.00 / 0)
Yes, there are all kinds of issues that would come with a permanent institution. You would need to design governance very carefully, and probably place limits from the beginning on how the $$ could be used.  But you just can't avoid these challenges in a democracy.  Again, it would be an inevitable risk.  

The other two ideas are interesting, especially #2.  But you need some kind of power to get #1.  And even if you get #1 you still need more resource $$.  

The problem with having these other organizers train is that they come with their own set of "dogmas," often.  But that's just a limitation, not a reason not to do this.  

We are having an organizing "teach-in" this month.  I wish we had more events like this where multiple organizing groups and multiple trainers could come together.

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
i hope you're right (0.00 / 0)
but i think that the ebbs and flows of social action can only partly be shored up through institutional means.

What if some funder decided to stop trying to fund an endless series of cool sounding projects, and instead said, "I want to provide a permanent base for organizing in a collection of cities in America."

You mean like Soros? :)


Right (0.00 / 0)
The goal is to make it possible for groups to work.  But it doesn't replace the need for these groups to develop on their own in the first place.  

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)

[ Parent ]
i know (4.00 / 1)
but there's another school of social movement analysis (piven and cloward etc) from which i take the idea that organizations are not to be depended upon for change and instead you need to simply push to build and build and build movement and eventually capitalize in material terms.  So, for example, from what i remember, they argue that a policy of potential welfare recipients flooding offices to disrupt them would have been better than organization building.

Anyway, I bring this up because, although I've come to realize the value of institutions more in recent days--particularly in terms of service provision--I don't know if the basic point that you need collective disturbances (real ones...not like the permitted demonstrations we often have today) to go along with community meetings is inaccurate.

but this is not to say that community organizing is not useful--it just may not be serving all of the functions that people invest in it.


[ Parent ]
this is a pretty big question (0.00 / 0)
The plusses and minuses of the Piven and Cloward argument are too big to grapple with, here, I think.  And I don't have time to go back and do them credit.  In general, I think your overall description is correct. They argued that institutions tended to limit moments of real resistance.

I think a lot of work after their book has tended to complicate and in many cases contradict their general point.  Much of the "movement" action they discuss was more organized and institutional than they admit.

But to the extent they are right, we are still left with a problem.  And that is except in exceptional moments, it is only with durable intitutions--of a range of different kinds to be sure--that impoverished people have a chance of contesting the ways they are oppressed.  

But the danger of petrifying institutions is a key reason that my recommendation is for supports for organizations in general instead of supports for individual organizations that live on in perpetuity.  Whether or not this distinction is useful is something to be seen over time.  

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
Although I'm biased on this, (4.00 / 1)
I thought the New Voices fellowship was a good model that both supported seed money for organizations without comitting to anything in perpetuity.  I say I'm biased because I worked with the project of someone who built it out of New Voices.

And that is except in exceptional moments, it is only with durable intitutions--of a range of different kinds to be sure--that impoverished people have a chance of contesting the ways they are oppressed.

I largely agree with this.  It's nice to agree :)

You're right that it's probably too much to deal with Piven and Cloward here though I'd be interested in knowing your take on it at some point.  I've only read them and not much of the literature that's followed them (though I've read some of their responses).  

Also, I'd be interested in exactly what the limits are for what a durable institution that can help a group or community is.  What I mean is, everyone agrees that both formal and informal organizations/networks can be useful.  But religious? informal economy?  illegal portions of the informal economy? corporate?  democratic centralist?  middle-of-the-road petrified NGO?  it's hard to know when and where to take a stand against any particular type of institution as "good" or "bad" (at least for me...I think you're better versed in this stuff, based on your comments thus far.)  Obviously, to a large extent context specific, but I wonder if anyone has developed any general guidelines that will go beyond anti-institutionalism in general.

Also, have you read Twilight of Equality?  I really liked that book for attempting to get beyond the simple dichotomy of class vs. identity politics.  Useful interjection in a debate that would have been useful to see resolved :)


[ Parent ]
At this point we are beyond general arguments (0.00 / 0)
The problem with these general arguments, as useful as they are, is that they make broad statements based on multiple examples. This is useful for figuring out what is likely to happen, but can't tell you what will happen in a specific unique circumstance.  

Furthermore, they tell you what didn't work in the past, but not what might work in the future.

I think what we need are a series of experiments to try to figure out what kids of things might work, trying some new approaches that seek to balance across the kinds of tensions that Piven and Cloward (and others) have illuminated.

Whether there are good general guidelines for something like this, I am not certain.  But I doubt it.  Although the commenters in this post and my earlier one have pointed out some good examples to look at.  My sense is that we are really at the early stages of figuring this out.

But we need to figure it out, even though figuring it out may involve failure at some points.  

The book you cite sounds interesting.  I'll get ahold of it.

Thanks so much for your thoughtful comments!

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]
oh and for the money-- (0.00 / 0)
it should come from the labor movement.

[ Parent ]
Good Idea (0.00 / 0)
Labor certainly has the $$ to initiate a couple of examples, at least.

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)

[ Parent ]
this part is worth looking more at (4.00 / 1)
I think to some extent, your suggestion implies an "escape" from organizational politics--or at minimum, a prioritization of substantive commitment to work over factionalism, even in the face of bad faith.  Although I've never lived in a small city in the U.S., in the scene I was in in New York, not only was it not possible, but it was traumatic.  So one of the institutions I can think of that's similar to what you're suggesting is still imbued with that organizational factionalism, though perhaps not paralyzingly so.

As a result, when I get to this part:

It could have a board of directors drawn from a wide range of local progressive organizing groups and a carefully drawn mandate that ensured that it was able to "boot" dying organizations and bring in promising new ones. And it would have a constitution designed to ensure it remained true to a broad set of progressive commitments.

...I think it runs into some trouble, though perhaps not inescapable.  There are two ways to go--one is to make it a more a support organization for organizing groups, and one that would actively take an big-tent approach to avoid the narrow kind of factional politics that can be severely damaging to sustained organizing.

The other problem with endowments is also that they generally almost BEG to be invested, and that's a bit creepy.  Though I suppose all money has to go somewhere and you might be able to find ways of supporting local capital or serving as a low-interest loan company rather than investing in the stock market.


These are key tensions (0.00 / 0)
Again, I think the governance structure and also the limits on what this organization could and could not do would be key.

Despite the dangers of factionalism, I think we really need to find a way to get these organizations to be in the same spaces together so they can learn from each other.  Just supporting them without fostering cross fertilization would be a mistake, I think.  But how to do this and not be destroyed by factionalism is a real problem.  To some extent factionalism is unavoidable.  And sometimes groups are just too nasty to keep among others (which, of course, threatens to reduce effective radical action).  

An organization like this would probably be limited to the mid-level kind of reformist action.

It's key to remember that it wouldn't stop other groups from organizing.  They just would be in the same state that they are right now--without the extra help of the umbrella organization.  

And while groups part of this would probably be able to draw more funding $$, that's probably already true today.

But if everyone eats lunch together it might help.  

In any case, these are real challenges.  

--Aaron Schutz (Core Dilemmas of Community Organizing)


[ Parent ]




USER MENU


blog advertising is good for you
blog advertising is good for you

Donate to Open Left

QUICK HITS
SEARCH

   

Advanced Search

STATE BLOGS