South of the Border--Oliver Stone looks at South American politics today with 7 presidents

by: Paul Rosenberg

Sat Jun 26, 2010 at 18:30


Oliver Stone has just released a new documentary, South of the Border, featuring interviews with seven South American presidents--six present and one immediately past.  The point of the documentary is to help redress the terribly distorted nature of US media coverage of the rest of the hemisphere, particularly the continent of South America, where the election of Hugo Chavez has helped set off a wave of similar electoral breakthroughs that have finally allowed the continent to assert a degree of independence from outside influence that has not been seen in at least 100 years.

On Monday, Stone and one of his screenwriters, political activist, author and journalist Tariq Ali, appeared on Democracy Now to discuss the documentary.  At the very beginning, Juan Gonzales kicked things off with a brief intro to the film's trailer:

JUAN GONZALEZ: Academy Award-winning filmmaker Oliver Stone has taken on three American presidents in JFK, Nixon and W. A Vietnam War veteran, he was decorated with a Bronze Star and a Purple Heart. As a filmmaker, he's tackled the most controversial aspects of the war in his classics Platoon and Born on the Fourth of July. He looked at the greed of the financial industry in the Hollywood hit Wall Street, and the sequel, Wall Street 2: Money Never Sleeps, premiered at the Cannes Film Festival last month.

Well, now the acclaimed director of films like Salvador, Comandante and Looking for Fidel, returns to Latin America. In his latest film, releasing this week in the United States, Oliver Stone takes a road trip across South America, meeting with seven presidents from the continent. Here's the trailer. It includes Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez, Argentine president Cristina Kirchner and her husband, former president Néstor Kirchner, Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, and Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa.

OLIVER STONE: Who is Hugo Chávez? Some believe he is the enemy

JOHN ROBERTS, CNN: He's more dangerous than bin Laden. And the effects of Chávez's war against America could eclipse those of 9/11.

OLIVER STONE: Some believe he is the answer.

MAN ON THE STREET 1: [translated] I am with you, Chávez.

MAN ON THE STREET 2: [translated] Hello, President.

OLIVER STONE: But no matter what you believe, in South America he is just the beginning.

GEORGE TENET: Venezuela is important because they're the third largest supplier of petroleum.

PRESIDENT HUGO CHÁVEZ: [translated] Bush made a plan: first, Chávez, oil; second, Saddam, Iraq, oil.

PRESIDENT CRISTINA KIRCHNER: [translated] For the first time in the region, the leaders look like the people they govern. If you go to Bolivia and look at the face of Evo, the face of Evo is the face of a Bolivian.

OLIVER STONE: Could we say the goal of presidents of the region would be to own their own natural resources?

PRESIDENT LUIZ INÁCIO LULA DA SILVA: [translated] The only thing I want is to be treated as equals. I personally have no interest in fighting with the United States.

OLIVER STONE: Rafael Correa is now being cast as one of the bad left.

PRESIDENT RAFAEL CORREA: [translated] With all due respect, knowing the North American media, I would be more worried if they spoke well of me.

REPORTER: Today, the Argentinian president, with concern about US trade policy, seemed in no hurry to embrace his American counterpart.

NÉSTOR KIRCHNER: [translated] Bush told me the best way to revitalize the economy is war and that the United States has grown stronger with war. Those were his exact words.

NARRATOR: This summer, take an incredible look at an extraordinary movement.

PRESIDENT LUIZ INÁCIO LULA DA SILVA: [translated] For the first time, the poor are treated like human beings.

PRESIDENT HUGO CHÁVEZ: [translated] And perhaps this is one of the things that keeps us going-the optimism, faith and hope, and the concrete evidence that we can change the course of history. It's possible, Oliver.

NARRATOR: South of the Border.

OLIVER STONE: I'm just curious. How many sets of shoes do you have?

PRESIDENT CRISTINA KIRCHNER: [translated] They always ask questions like this to women. I don't get it. They never ask a man how many pairs of shoes he has.

Paul Rosenberg :: South of the Border--Oliver Stone looks at South American politics today with 7 presidents
As US politics turns increasingly infantile, it's refreshing indeed to be exposed to an entire group of elected presidents who act like adults. I know it's not a very high standard in the grand scheme of things, but it cuts to the quick:  Ever since the US beat up on the crumbling Spanish Empire in the Spanish-American War, and decided to muscle up on its enforcement of the implicit threat contained in the Monroe Doctrine, Latin America has suffered from almost-continuous invasions and intrusions by the US that have primativized and infantilized its political culture.  Now that period has come to an end, and anyone who thinks it's going back needs to have their head examined.

There were some exceptions--most notably under FDR, and to a lesser extent, briefly under JFK.  But these were more or lest temporary gifts, reprieves granted that could be--and were--readily reversed.  This time, it's different.  This time, the newly emergent independence has been won through struggle from below, not granted from above and afar.

Here's part of the interview where Stone talks a bit about the genesis of the film and what it's about:

OLIVER STONE: .... Chávez was sort of a natural, because he was such a demonized, polarizing figure. But when I met him, he was not at all what I thought, you know, what we made him out to be. So I went on from talking to Hugo. He suggested, you know, "Go talk to other people in the region. You know, don't believe me necessarily." So we went around, and we talked to seven other-eight other presidents-or seven other presidents in six countries. And we got this amazing unity in referendum saying, like, hey, these guys are changing the way Latin America is, and we don't know this story in America, when you think about it, except Peru and Mexico-well, Peru and Colombia really are the two American allies in the region. So what struck me as a news, as something that's historic, is that I've never seen these countries in South America, in a sense, unified by an idea of reform at the same time, because in the past, when Chile or Argentina or Brazil happened, we picked off the reformers one at a time, because they only happened-they didn't happen in a unity. And this is the first time I've seen that since--what, since Bolívar, maybe. We haven't--you know, going back to 1820s.

JUAN GONZALEZ: Well, what struck me also was, I think, the way you were able not only to present their viewpoints, in terms of how they saw the changes in Latin America, but also humanizing them, because for an American audience, the image of Hugo Chávez, of this firebrand, and then you have him on a bicycle in his-riding around in the yard of his former home, breaking the bicycle. And then-

OLIVER STONE: Yeah.

JUAN GONZALEZ: I thought the most comic line in the whole film was when, after breaking the bicycle, he says, in Spanish, "Whose bicycle is this? I guess I'm going to have to pay for it."

OLIVER STONE: He's not rich. His father is not rich, and he was also a military man. And he comes from a poor family. And he is what he is. He works for the people. I've never seen a man work so hard. I mean, he really cares. So do all of them, by the way. Every single one of them I met was elected duly, democratically, which Americans don't know. And they serve the people, unlike a lot of the oligarchs and dictators who ruled prior and we supported. But we're against these people. That's what amazes me. Why is our-what is it about America that makes-needs enemies and makes enemies out of these people who are reformers in their country? Whether it's Allende or the people in Argentina or Brazil, or Torrijos in Panama, or-the list is long. You know, why? Nicaragua.

Why do we need enemies?  In particular, why do we need these enemies?  An entire hemisphere of people were inspired to revolt because of us.  (Well, yes, because of us and because of Haiti as well, but our revolution happened first, remember?)  An entire hemisphere declared itself independent, just as we had done.  And instead of looking at them as a proud vindication of our ideals, as close natural allies, we have always looked at them as something lesser, something inadequate, something, even, dangerous and dirty.  Could it be as simple as just plain old racism?

Pretty much.

That and boundless greed for everything they've got.

Another thing the film deals with is how the continent has freed itself from the worst aspects of neoliberalism and outside control:

JUAN GONZALEZ: You also center in on the IMF and the role of the IMF, which, again, most Americans know little about the operations of the IMF around the world. Yet, in most other countries in the world, the IMF is well known.

OLIVER STONE: Mark Weisbrot is with the Center of Economic Policy and Research, and he's a co-founder of that, and he brought that element into this. It's very important. And obviously Americans don't care about economics as much; it's hard to follow. But Mark points out that in the 1990s, there was about $20 billion in loans from the IMF to Latin America. Now there's about a billion, which is interesting. They got rid of it, as Kirchner, Néstor Kirchner of Argentina, is a real hero here. He did technically default on the IMF, but then he paid them off. And he defaulted on the corporate bonds, which was a big scandal, but yet Argentine economy, which was predicted to be a disaster, improved radically. So did Chávez's economy for six years. I think the gross national product went 90 percent up, up 90 percent. Poverty was cut in half. So all these changes in all these countries have been positive since the IMF is out. They don't want our money. They don't want the loans. It's important.

The more that Obama and the Democrats betray the hopes and aspirations of their most partisan supporters, the more important it is to keep reminding ourselves that it doesn't have to be this way.  And the strongest proof that alternatives are not just theoretically possible is to take a look at how other people live, and how they are moving forward, after generations of being held back.  This look at South America is one of the potent reminders that yes, another way is possible.  Another world is possible.

Never forget that.


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But they're crazy, and they're DESPOTS too.... (4.00 / 3)
Interesting to read Oliver Stone's Latin America in the NYT, then come here and read your diary. Not only do we refuse to see what we don't want to see, but it seems that we're actually incapable of seeing it.

Some months back, a friend of mine -- a decent guy, and liberal enough -- ventured that in his opinion, Castro's anti-democratic instincts had ruined Cuba, and would bring the same ruin on Chávez' Venezuela, Morales' Bolivia, and might have done the same to Manuel Zelaya's Honduras had cooler heads not prevailed.

I replied that after the Bay of Pigs, it would be hard to deny the rational basis for a Latin American populist to characterize of the political processes in Batista's Cuba, or today's Venezuela or Bolivia as a war. How else would a fair-minded person judge the history of savage attacks on the poor and downtrodden of Latin America not only by their own oligarchies, but by those of the U.S. as well?

The fact remains, he said, that Castro is no better than Batista, Chávez is a sadistic clown, and it'll be a cold day in Hell before Morales manages to bring economic development to Bolivia -- for the benefit of the poor or anyone else -- without international investment.

When I asked him what part of Cuba and Venezuela don't belong to us he didn't understand, we parted company -- probably not for good, because as I said, he's a decent guy. He just can't stand a lack of decorum on the part of Latin American leaders. (Our own leaders, being by definition incapable of such breaches of decorum, are, of course, unlikely to require his attention.)


Castro (0.00 / 0)
Castro is a mix.  He's better for poor Cubans and especially poor black Cubans,  They got a little health care and a little education. He's a lot worse for upper class, upper middle class, and probably middle class Cubans.  They lost contact with the world.  They lost a good part of their standard of living and they lost civil liberties, too.

He also involved Cuba in wars in Africa and adventures in Latin America.


[ Parent ]
There Are Cuban Doctors & Other Health Care Workers All Over Latin America (4.00 / 1)
Is that what you meant by "He also involved Cuba in wars in Africa and adventures in Latin America"???

And, of course, the wars in Africa were anti-colonialist ones, with Apartheid South Africa often on the other side.

That's a bad thing how, exactly?

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
The Soviet-era inteventionism in Africa (4.00 / 1)
was hardly better than the Western cold war-era interventionism in Africa.  Citizens didn't much fare better under a pro-Soviet kleptocrat than they did under a pro-US kleptocrat.  Eastern Bloc/Cuban intervention in Angola and Mozambique was hardly good for anyone.  


[ Parent ]
The Dynamic Of War Tends To Drag Everyone Down (4.00 / 1)
But without Cuban assistance, it's quite possible that South Africa's war against the frontline states would have succeeded, and apartheid would still be with us.

Is that what you'd prefer?

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
that's a HUGE push (4.00 / 1)
Western colonialism was collapsing on its own.  And I really don't see how Angolan and Mozambiquan people are better off with 20 years of extremely devastating civil war.  

This argument is very, very similar to the type of argument that conservatives use to defend the Iraq war--would you rather that we still have Saddam with us, rather than what followed?  I have to endorse neither apartheid nor colonialism in order to condemn war and foreign interventionism.  Villagers don't care what flag is painted on the bomb that destroys their home.  


[ Parent ]
This Is A Dishonest Argument (0.00 / 0)
The Cubans were supporting homegrown liberation movements.  The South Africans were opposing them.  Trying to equate the two is colonialist obfuscation.

There's a reason that Mandela personally thanked Fidel Castro for his support--and drew the wrath of rightwing Cuban-Americans--during his 1992 tour of America.

Or do you think you know more about the situation than Nelson Mandella?

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
I'm talking about Mozambique and Angola (0.00 / 0)
I'm not talking about South Africa.  Everything's interrelated.  But the reason those countries are basket cases is largely due to the massive international money and weapons pumped into the region by the two cold war blocs to their proxies, which caused the wars there to get dragged out far longer than they naturally would have.  Just dismissing this as 'the dynamic of war drags everyone down' is callous as all get out.  

[ Parent ]
Cuba Wasn't Calling The Shots In Either Place (4.00 / 1)
It's very easy for us privileged white folks in the US to pass all kinds of high-and-mighty judgments.

But this has nothing to do with how Cuba looked at the world in the 1970s.

This is the one thing that we simply cannot do as Americans--understand the world as it is seen by others.

This is the one thing that we simply MUST do as Americans--understand the world as it is seen by others.

"You know what they say -- those of us who fail history... doomed to repeat it in summer school." -- Buffy The Vampire Slayer, Season 6, Episode 3


[ Parent ]
Cuba was very definitely involved in both places (0.00 / 0)
And considering the deep dependency that Cuba had on the USSR in the '70s and '80s, it is virtually impossible to disentangle where Castro was 'calling the shots' and where he wasn't.  

And the whole point of me bringing this up, in fact, is to broaden the perspective beyond the one African country people know, and the one struggle that people in the States have heard of.  The politics of sub-saharan Africa in the '70s and '80s are very deeply murky, usually with two-or-three sided conflicts all involving mostly evil people with occasional good deeds, with the evil often exacerbated by either the West or the Soviet bloc.  I react very strongly to efforts to gloss over any of it.  

Hell, just look at Robert Mugabe.  Sure, he was instrumental to training and aiding the ANC.  Much of the anti-apartheid movement wouldn't have been possible without access to Zimbabwean infrastructure.  It should be clear by now, however, that Robert Mugabe hasn't exactly been a deep advocate for peace and justice in Zimbabwe and southern Africa.  At the same time, I can very much understand why leaders like Thabo Mbeki were deeply hesitant to speak out against Mugabe.  I'm the one demanding a broader and more ambiguous perspective here.  


[ Parent ]
All true, (4.00 / 3)
but irrelevant to the point I'm trying to make. It wouldn't have mattered if Castro had been the ideal democrat or the Stalin most Americans take him to be. Once the most powerful country in the world set about a fifty year war to destroy him and all his works -- which it would have done no matter which of those models he took as his ideal of governance -- he had only two choices, the same two choices now being offered to Chávez and Morales. He could either have capitulated to the evil we'd designed for his country, possibly sparing the Cuban people bloodshed, poverty and isolation, or fought, even if by fighting the possibility existed that in the end that fighting would leave the people as miserable as the evil he was refusing.

If I'd been Castro, even knowing that I might one day wind up with a secret police apparatus which spied on and intimidated almost everybody in the country except my inner circle, and a prison system filled with people whose only crime was to look at me without approval, I might still have considered the deal that the U.S. offers every weakened country in its sphere of influence a bad deal. Call it the audacity of hope, unless, of course, you don't believe in hope, or in the possibility that Castro had something in mind for Cuba quite different from the way it's turned out. As for me, I think that calling Castro a bad man is not the most insightful path to an understanding of what's actually happened to Cuba in the last fifty years.


[ Parent ]
"a little health care and a little education." (4.00 / 3)
Compared to the poor in the US, they get a lot of health care, and compared to those in the Dominican Republic, they get a lot of education. Who exactly lost their standard of living? Yes, the rich, foreign property owners surely lost their of their standard of living, while those in thatched huts with no running water saw their standard of living rise dramatically. The revolution opened up society to the poor and stopped the population from being reduced to servants for Americans.

Yes, it was an incomplete revolution.  But we have to take most of the blame for that.  


[ Parent ]
Shock Doctrine (4.00 / 4)
Besides our not supporting their original revolutions, we set back some of the larger, more vibrant societies (Chile, Argentina, Brazil) immeasurably by snuffing out their democracies and installing military dictators.

Klein's book was so depressing - and no necessary - in understanding how centers of right-wing power, using the tools of the Chicago school, shackled their economies and enriched the few.  After we supported military coups, of course.

It's so good to hear that they've thrown off the IMF, which really was an institutionalized servitude.


oops (0.00 / 0)
That should read "so necessary"





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