| Obama Is Absolutely Right
Obama is absolutely right that we stand at a time of historic possibility for fundamental change-if anything, he under-estimates how much this is so.
He is also absolutely right that he is the perfect figure to lead us in a new direction. He doesn't have a lot baggage, he is someone that young people can identify with, he is not deeply embedded in a Washington culture that is far removed from the real pulse of the country. But...
Obama Is Absolutely Wrong
Obama is absolutely wrong in his fundamental political analysis. The problem in America today is not a polarized political system in which Democrats and liberals are as equally to blame as Republicans and conservatives. The problem is a political system that's dominated by this sort of brain-dead political narrative. And the longer that Obama promulgates such brain-dead political narratives, the more he squanders his enormous potential.
This sort of brain-dead political narrative dominates our political system because it's highly beneficial to the right wing, which has positioned itself to have veto power over such things. It's not the ideal narrative for them. "Democrats are the source of all evil, and should be hunted down like dogs" is the ideal narrative for them.
But they will happily settle for a dominant narrative that says it is equally reasonable-and equally divisive-to say "Democrats are the source of all evil, and should be hunted down like dogs" or to say "no, we're not, we're just sorta stupid, is all."
This is what the right wing will settle for now. And they have this sort of veto power over political narratives because they've been fighting for it quite shrewdly for several decades now. It is the result of their engaging in what Antonio Gramsci described as a hegemonic "culture war" or "war of position" to control the broad range of significant social institutions that together shape the fundamental presuppositions of our social, cultural and political thought.
The right wing has been highly successful in waging a virtually unopposed culture war for the past 30 years or so, and the blogosphere is one of the few newly emergent social institutions that has emerged during this time that is not just outside of their control, but actively opposed to it.
The blogosphere, as a result, is one of the few places in which it is commonly taken for granted that we have to fight the right tooth and nail, not just on one particular front or another, but across the whole range of fronts on which they are fighting-some of which we aren't even aware of, much less fighting on.
This awareness that (a) we are in a state of total war, and (b) we have no alternative but to fight back, has been part of the common sense of the left blogosphere since at least the emergence of the Howard Dean campiagn in 2003. Barack Obama wants to change all that. He represents buying into the very Versaille/M$M/DLC narratives that the left blogosphere emerged in opposition to. He winks, and says, "Don't worry, I'm really one of you," but a good number of people simply don't believe him-and I'm one of them.
But that doesn't mean I'm unalterably hostile to him. If I don't believe him, that doesn't mean it might not be true. It just means that his argument is unconvincing to me. And I'm trying to articulate why that is, not through mindless repetition of a few set talking points (though I enjoy a good chorus or a killer hook as much as the next music fan, be it Beethoven or the B-52s), but through an exploration of the Gramscian culture war itself, and the larger matrix of historical patterns and forces in which that culture war is embedded.
That's what I'm up to, and why.
Coda-Beyond Obama, and All That
The above explanation describes how my writings critical of Obama should be read. But, of course, I'm not just concerned with Obama. I am much more concerned with urging and helping folks to wage the Gramscian culture war more effectively, in order to beat back the rightwing stranglehold on our country.
While I do agree that conservatism in some sense--particularly as a temperamental disposition-has a certain inherent presence and value in human nature, that is actually less so than the the sense in which liberalism reflects the core essence of human aspiration, as well as a superior perspective on how we may live in the world, productively, creatively and at peace with ourselves and others. It is not through an abstract "balance" of liberalism and conservatism that we will find our equilibrium as a nation, but through the proper subordination of prudential conservative tendencies to the inspiration and direction of liberal thought.
The struggle to work out precisely how such tendencies should be related to one another is as important in the long run as the struggle to beat back rightwing dominance is in the short run. But the very fact that it is a long run struggle tells us that it cannot be successfully engaged in without benefit of the short-term relief that comes from success in the short-run struggle. |