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David Frum appeared on the Colbert report last night. His segment was impressive for its lucidity and intellectual honesty, traits that are difficult to find in conservative commentators these days. Frum is correct on many points, but most importantly the following three:
1. The intellectual origins of the health care bill are Republican.
The DNA of this bill traces back to what Mitt Romney did in Massachusetts, and it traces back before that to the Republican alternative to Clinton Care back in 1993 and 1994.
Correct. This is not an ideal progressive achievement, even if there are some aspects of the bill, such as the student loan component, as well as large expansion of Medicaid and Community Health Centers, that are progressive victories.
2. This is the largest expansion of government since the New Deal
We are facing, as conservatives and Republicans, the largest expansion of government since the New Deal.
This is also correct. Since fiscal year 2007, the last budgetary year of Republican trifecta governance in Washington, D.C., total public sector spending on social programs (that is, public spending that does not include defense, criminal justice, interest payments, or general government administration) has increased by 7.66% of GDP. The only other time in American history where social program spending increased by that amount was from 1929 to 1939, when it increased by 7.86% of GDP. Even during the Great Society expansion of 1961 to 1972, total public sector program spending only increased by 5.11% of GDP.
Click here for a chart detailing this history. The source material is taken from usgovernmentspending.com.
3. the conservative defeat is nearly irreversible.
Conservatives and Republicans suffered their most crushing legislative defeat since the 1960's... We followed the most radical voices in the party and the movement, and they led us to abject and irreversible defeat.
Once again, this is correct. As point #2 details, over the past four years, conservatives have suffered significant defeats in terms of the expansion of public social program spending. But, just as importantly, they are highly unlikely to ever reverse these defeats.
Other than the decline that took place in World War Two, public expenditures on social programs have never declined by more than 2.52% of their peak (see here). Historically, it has proven extremely difficult to cut social program spending on a broad scale. Republicans failed to make any dents in public sector social program spending when they had the trifecta from 2003-2006, for example.
Further, even after the unemployment situation improves, even after the stimulus is over, and even after TARP is done, future projections show that any decline at all is unlikely. Future projections for fiscal year 2014 and beyond, when the spending portions of the health care bill start to kick in, put public sector social spending at the same levels of GDP as current levels. Republicans really are going to have to repeal, or make cuts, to things like Medicaid, SCHIP, Social Security, local education spending, and the new student loan public option in order to return public sector social program spending to pre-2009 levels.
It is very unlikely that cuts of that sort will happen. Wagner's law seems likely to hold.
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Progressives didn't get close to everything we wanted, and it sure as hell isn't the job of progressives to be satisfied or happy. However, Frum is absolutely right that conservatives have still suffered a crushing defeat that is highly unlikely to ever be reversed. Even if some of the ideas in the health reform bill came from Republicans, the idea of expanding public sector spending on social programs most definitely did not. Over the past four years, public sector spending on social programs has increased by an amount equivalent to, or greater than, the New Deal and the Great Society. We have a long way to go, but it is still a generational achievement to be proud of.
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Update: If you think the 2007-2015 expansion of public sector social investment spending by 7.63% of GDP has been mainly in the form of corporate welfare, it would behoove you to post the numbers proving this. For example, in 2015, TARP will be entirely over (0.00% of GDP in 2015), and the subsidies in the exchange are projected to be $45 billion (or about 0.23% of GDP in 2015). Further, the student loan bill actually cancels a corporate welfare program.
By no means do I think the job is done, and I am well aware that there is a lot more corporate welfare than there used to be. However, declarative statements that current expansions of public sector social programs are entirely, or even mainly, corporate welfare isn't proof.
Without citing the Wall Street bailouts, and without citing more than $45 billion in exchange subsidies, please point out the massive increases in public sector expenditures that either have gone, or will have gone, go to private corporations since 2007. I don't think they are a large percentage of the public sector social expenditures expansion, but I am open-minded to being shown otherwise.
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